General News
Youth IT Empowerment: Key to Vision 2020– Shobajo
Kayode Shobajo, Chief Technopreneur/CEO, HiiT, synonymous with youth IT empowerment. He has undying passion for quality ICT education. Shobajo is a consummate technoprenuer, with panache and zeal to deliver world class and affordable training solutions particularly to youths in this technology-driven economy. Shobajo retired as a senior military officer in the Nigerian Air Force, over a decade ago, to start HiiT. He spoke with Emeka Okafor.
Quality IT Training/Education in Nigeria
HiiT began operations twelve years ago with a mission to eradicate IT illiteracy by offering world class and affordable training/education in a customer-centric manner. Today, we are still in the pursuit of our mission. Since 1996, we have graduated twenty thousand students in our Kano and Lagos centres. It may interest you to know that HiiT has recorded matchless milestones. In 2007, it produced the first and only Java Master in Nigeria. In terms of quality training we have the facilities and the human capital. We have equally upgraded our IT Proficiency curriculum, amongst others, by fusing a marriage between International Computer Driving License (ICDL) and Computer Professionals Registration Council of Nigeria (CPN) syllabi. This enables Nigerians to kill two birds with one stone. So, for us at HiiT, rendering world-class affordable services is our brand essence.
Cost of ICT Training/Education
HiiT is 100 percent Nigerian brand, so, we are stakeholders in the future of our country. In the last twelve years we have consistently delivered world-class affordable ICT training in all our centres. Empowering Nigerian youth goes beyond profit maximization. It is a call to serve, so that our nation can be liberated from both economic and digital poverty. In my perspective, I believe there should be a lot of platforms to train the youth in ICT apart from the typical Introduction to computers being taught in higher institutions. Our higher institutions are trying but ICT requires expertise and proficiency with management acumen for execution and sustained quality service delivery. We at HiiT see our role as that of intervention because ICT youth empowerment is the focal point of our development efforts. Our nation must challenge the youth with appropriate and adequate IT facilities and re-orientate them to reawake the e-spirit needed to produce IT proficient graduates, across board, as well as knowledgeable technopreneurs. This is why HiiT shall continue to render world-class affordable services to our target market.
HiiT ICT Empowerment Galleria in Tertiary Institutions
In line with our strategic growth agenda, HiiT is investing at least N2 billion within the next one year, in at least six tertiary institutions that meet our requirements. This is only the first phase of our intervention. We aim to eventually partner with all willing universities, polytechnics, colleges of education and others. We also appeal to their visitors to help facilitate this intervention for them with good speed. Our ICT Empowerment methodology is not only revolutionary but sustainable. It is also a home-grown solution based on eight years of research. This intervention is designed to first, train all tertiary institution students to become IT proficient in the use of market-relevant computer applications taking into consideration our peculiarities in Nigeria. And second, to empower all computer science students and other students with flair for IT, with current solution development platforms and appropriate certification curricula under same roof with their academics. What is more, all these will cost the students very little. This will certainly augment government efforts in realizing its ICT empowerment component of Vision 2020.
National IT Policy Review
As you also know, a purposeful and well articulated National IT policy document will form a good foundation for the Nation to leverage IT towards achieving the Government’s Vision 20: 2020. This is what most countries in our similar circumstances have done successfully. India and Malaysia are ready examples. In my opinion, the President’s 7-point agenda should be upgraded to an 8-point agenda; with the eighth point being IT. The National IT Policy Review efforts currently in progress under auspices of National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA), I wish, will be able to articulate something convincing enough to government in this respect. As an experienced and seasoned technopreneur, I have no doubt at all that this is our optimal path towards the actualization of Vision 20:2020
NACOSS and HiiT
As you know, NACOSS stands for National Association of Computer Science Students. It has a local chapter in most tertiary institutions that offer computer science a course, HiiT and I have been supporting NACOSS both morally and financially for many years now. Our reasons for doing this are many. First, and as I have said earlier, our principal brand essence is IT Youth empowerment. Second, we are consciously investing in building a pool of competent IT talents/workforce of the future by discovering and nurturing them from this formative stage. You should also be aware that we are an IT solution company as well. We are a bit silent in this aspect for now because the existing pool of talents to utilize in this respect in our economy is still very shallow. So you can see the synergy. At HiiT, we are building a world-class and sustainable strategic IT concern, not a petty contracting one. That is why we have to deepen our roots for our superstructure to stand firmly in the future. In today’s e-economy, competition is global; therefore, human capital development is more critical to the survival of the private sector than the public sector. We are therefore not expecting government to do too much for us, hence our strategic relationship with NACOSS, in particular and tertiary students, in general. I am happy to report that the students themselves are not only happy but excited with both the relationship and our IT empowerment intervention concept. They have so far recognized our good efforts and contributions by NACOSS bestowing on HiiT Distinguished National Award of Excellence, on one hand, and making my good self a National Patron of NACOSS, on the other hand.
Nigeria Internet Group (NIG)
As you are also aware, NIG is an NGO that was founded/supported by some public sector institutions/agencies and the likes of Engr Olawale Ige (Former Minister of Communications), Engr. Iromantu (Former CEO, NCC) Mr. Jim Ovia (MD/CEO), Zenith Bank, Dr. Emmanuel Ekuwem (Incumbent President, ATCON), Engr Lanre Ajayi (Incumbent President of NIG) and Engr Ernest Ndukwe (Executive Vice Chairman/CEO, NCC) and others in the mid 1990s. The aim was to use the platform as an advocacy organ to encourage the military government of that era to see the imperative of the Internet as a tool for economic development and also, to make internet access available around the country. In 2008, internet access, to a large extent, is available nationwide. We may argue about affordability to most Nigerians at the moment, but access is no longer a serious issue. To this extent, NIG can be said to have achieved its goal of widespread internet access. What is therefore next for NIG, as the incumbent Vice President, it’s my pleasure to let you know that our focus now has shifted to content on the internet by Nigerians in Nigeria. Our current theme is Internet for Jobs, I4J, for short. Our vision in this respect is to use the internet as a platform for creating a critical mass of job opportunities for Nigerians and making Nigeria a positive contributor to the emergent knowledge economy, and to be a preferred destination for the global Internet related services including outsourcing Web Application Development, e-Commerce and Software development. We have organized two public seminars on this theme in the last one year; more activities in this respect should be expected soon. My parting words: its time for Nigerians to start uploading contents of global commerce seriously not just to continue to download alone because the future of the global economy will be determined by content competitiveness, as most other factors would soon become constant.
General News
FG New Approves Biometric Passenger Verification System for Airports Security

Federal government has signed a concession agreement for the deployment of a contactless biometric passenger verification system across Nigeria’s domestic airports.

The initiative, known as VPASS, is designed to strengthen aviation security, improve data integrity and boost revenue generation.
Festus Keyamo, minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, said the agreement followed the concurrence of the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission, the Attorney-General of the Federation and approval by the Federal Executive Council.
Keyamo said the system will eliminate discrepancies in passenger records, curb unauthorized boarding and ensure all domestic air travellers are properly identified, closing existing gaps in standard identification procedures.
General News
STBMAN, NBC Bicker over Alleged Due Process Breaches

Association of Licensed Set-Top Box Manufacturers of Nigeria (STBMAN) has waxed worriedly over the National Broadcasting Commission’s (NBC) repeated violations of due process in managing the country’s Digital Switch Over (DSO) project.

In a statement released in Abuja, Sir Godfrey Ohuabunwa, chairman, STBMAN, stated that the NBC’s actions are slowing down Nigeria’s transition from analogue to digital broadcasting and discouraging local investors who have committed resources to the project.
Ohuabunwa noted that Nigeria began serious discussions on DSO in 2008, yet 17 years later, the country has made little progress, while nations that once sought Nigeria’s assistance have completed their own transitions.
“STBMAN has repeatedly called for the protection of local manufacturers, strict compliance with the federal government’s White Paper on DSO, and full respect for the rule of law, but these calls have been ignored,” Ohuabunwa said.
The NBC’s alleged plan to import hybrid set-top boxes from China has been criticized by STBMAN, which says this move disregards the heavy investments already made by licensed Nigerian manufacturers and contradicts the President’s directive to prioritize locally made products.
“The manufacturers have invested in equipment, technology upgrades, and workforce training, expecting government support and policy stability,”he added.
General News
REVEALED: How Nigeria’s Energy Crisis is Driven by Debt and Global Forces

By Blaise Udunze
For months, Nigerians have argued in circles. Aliko Dangote has been blamed by default. They have accused his refinery of monopoly power, of greed, of manipulation. They have pointed out the rising price of petrol and demanded a villain.

When examined closely, the truth is uncomfortable, layered, and deeply geopolitical because the real story is not at the fuel pump and this is what Nigerians have been missing unknowingly. The truth is that the real story is happening behind closed doors, across continents, inside financial systems most citizens never see and the actors will prefer that the people are kept in the dark. And once you see it, the outrage shifts. The questions deepen. The implications expand far beyond Nigeria.
In October 2024, it was obvious and clear that the world would have noticed that Nigeria made a move that should have dominated global headlines, but didn’t. Clearly, this was when the government of President Bola Tinubu introduced a quiet but radical policy, which is the Naira-for-Crude. The idea was simple and revolutionary. Nigeria, Africa’s largest oil producer, would allow domestic refineries to purchase crude oil in naira instead of U.S. dollars. On the surface, it looked like economic reform. In reality, it was something far more consequential. It was a challenge to the global financial order.
For decades, oil has been traded almost exclusively in dollars, reinforcing the dominance of the United States in global finance. By attempting to refine its own oil using its own currency, Nigeria was not just making a policy adjustment. It was testing the boundaries of economic sovereignty. And in today’s world, sovereignty, especially when it touches money, debt, and energy, comes with consequences.
What followed was not loud. There were no emergency broadcasts or dramatic policy reversals. Instead, the response was quiet, bureaucratic, and devastatingly effective just to undermine the processes. Nigeria produces over 1.5 million barrels of crude oil per day, though pushing for 3 million by 20230, yet when the Dangote Refinery requested 15 cargoes of crude for September 2024 what it received was only six from the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPC), which means its yield for a refinery with such capacity will be low if nothing is done. Come to think of it, between January and August 2025, Nigerian refineries collectively requested 123 million barrels of domestic crude but received just 67 million, which by all indications showed a huge gap. It is a contradiction and at the same time, laughable that an oil-producing nation could not supply its own refinery with its own oil.
So where was the crude going? The answer exposes a deeper, more uncomfortable truth about Nigeria’s economic reality. The crude was being sold on the international market for dollars. Those dollars were then used, almost immediately, to service Nigeria’s growing mountain of external debt. Loans owed to the same institutions, like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank had to be paid, which are the same institutions applauding this government. Nigeria was not prioritizing domestic industrialization; it was prioritizing debt repayment.
And the scale of that debt is no longer abstract. Nigeria’s total debt stock is now projected to rise from N155.1 trillion to N200 trillion, following an additional $6 billion loan request by President Tinubu, hurriedly approved by the Senate. At an exchange rate of N1,400 to the dollar, that single loan adds N8.4 trillion to a debt stock that already stood at N146.69 trillion at the end of 2025. This is not just a fiscal statistic. It is the central pressure shaping every major economic decision in the country.
On paper, the government can point to rising revenue, improving foreign exchange inflows, and stronger fiscal discipline as witnessed when the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Olayemi Cardoso, always touted the foreign reserves growth. But a closer review of those numbers reveals a harsher reality. Nigeria is exporting its most valuable resource, converting it into dollars, and sending those dollars straight back out to creditors. The crude leaves. The dollars come in. The dollars leave again. And the cycle repeats.
This is not growth. This is a treadmill powered by debt. Let us not forget that in the middle of that treadmill sits a $20 billion refinery, built to solve Nigeria’s energy dependence, now trapped within the very system it was meant to escape.
By 2025, the contradiction had become impossible to ignore, which is a fact. This is because how can this be explained that the Dangote Refinery, designed to reduce reliance on imports, was increasingly dependent on them. The narrative is that in 2024, Nigeria imported 15 million barrels of crude from America, which is disheartening to mention the least. More troubling is that by 2025, that number surged to 41 million barrels, a 161 percent increase. By mid-2025, approximately 60 percent of the refinery’s feedstock was coming from American crude. As of early 2026, Nigerian crude accounted for only about 30 to 35 percent, which was actually confirmed by Aliko Dangote.
The visible contradiction in this situation is that the refinery built to free Nigeria from dollar dependence was running largely on dollar-denominated imports. Not because the oil did not exist locally, but because the system, shaped by debt obligations and global financial structures, made it more practical to export crude for dollars than to refine it domestically, which leads us to several other covert concerns.
Faced with this troubling reality, there is one major issue that still needs to be answered. This is why Dangote pushed back by filing a N100 billion lawsuit against the NNPC and major oil marketers. He further accused the parties involved of failing to prioritize domestic refining. For a brief moment, one will think that the confrontation, as it appeared, was underway is one that could redefine the balance between state control and private industrial ambition, but these expectations never saw the light of day.
Yes, it never saw the light of day because on July 28, 2025, the lawsuit was quietly withdrawn. No press conferences. No public explanation. No confirmed settlement. Just silence.
There are only a few plausible or credible explanations. As a practice and well-known in the country, institutional pressure may have made continued confrontation untenable. A strategic compromise may have been reached behind closed doors. Or the realities of the system itself may have made victory impossible, regardless of the merits of the case. None of these scenarios suggests a system operating with full autonomy or aligned national interest. All of them point to constraints, political, economic, or structural, that extend far beyond a single company.
Then came the shock that changed everything.
On February 28, 2026, Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz, disrupting a channel through which roughly 20 percent of the world’s oil supply flows. Prices surged past $100 per barrel. Global markets entered crisis mode. Supply chains are fractured. Countries dependent on Middle Eastern fuel suddenly had nowhere to turn.
And they turned to Nigeria. Nations like South Africa, Ghana, and Kenya began seeking fuel supplies from the Dangote Refinery. The same refinery that had been starved of crude, forced into dollar-denominated imports, and entangled in domestic disputes suddenly became the most strategically important energy asset on the African continent.
Nigeria did not plan for this. It did not negotiate for this. With this development, the world had no choice but simply run out of options, and Lagos became the fallback.
And then, almost immediately, attention shifted. This swiftly prompted in early 2026, a United States congressional report to recommend applying pressure on Nigeria’s trade relationships within Africa. Shortly after, on March 16, 2026, the United States launched a Section 301 trade investigation into multiple economies, including Nigeria. This is not a sanction, but it is the legal foundation for one. At the same time, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, which had provided duty-free access to U.S. markets for decades, was allowed to expire in 2025 without renewal.
The sequence is difficult to ignore. As Nigeria’s strategic importance rose, so did external scrutiny. As its potential for regional energy leadership increased, so did the instruments of economic pressure.
To understand why, you must look at the system itself. The global economy runs on the U.S. dollar, which the Iranian government tried to scuttle by implementing a policy that requires oil cargo tankers being transported via the Strait of Hormuz to be made in Yuan. Most countries need dollars to trade, to import essential goods, to access global markets. The infrastructure that enforces this is the SWIFT financial network, which connects banks across the world. Control over this system confers enormous power. Countries that step too far outside it risk exclusion, and exclusion, in modern terms, means economic paralysis.
Nigeria’s attempt to trade crude in naira was not just a policy experiment. It was a subtle deviation from a system that rewards compliance and punishes independence. The response was not military. It did not need to be. It was structural. Limit domestic supply. Reinforce dollar dependence. Ensure that even attempts at independence remain tethered to the existing order.
And all the while, the debt clock continues to tick. N155.1 trillion.
That number is not just a fiscal burden. It is leverage. It shapes policy. It influences decisions and it also determines priorities, which tells you that when a nation is deeply indebted, its room to maneuver shrinks. In all of this, one thing that must be understood is that choices that might favor long-term sovereignty are often sacrificed for short-term stability. Debt does not just demand repayment. It demands alignment.
Back home, Nigerians remain focused on the most visible symptom, which is fuel prices. Unbeknownst to most Nigerians, they argue, protest, and assign blame while the forces shaping those prices include global currency systems, sovereign debt obligations, trade pressures, and geopolitical realignments. The price at the pump is not the cause. It is the consequence.
Nigeria now stands at an intersection defined not by scarcity, but by contradiction. What is more alarming is that it produces vast amounts of crude oil, yet struggles to supply its own refinery. It earns more in dollar terms, yet its citizens feel poorer. It builds infrastructure meant to ensure independence, yet operates within constraints that reinforce dependence. This is not a failure of resources and this is because there is a conflict or tension between what Nigeria wants, which reflects its ambition and structure, and between sovereignty and obligation.
And so the questions remain, growing louder with each passing month and might force Nigerians, when pushed to the wall, to begin demanding answers. If Nigeria has the oil, why is it importing crude? Further to this dismay, more questions arise, such as, why is the refinery paying in dollars if Naira-for-crude exists? One will also be forced to ask if the lawsuit had merit, why was it withdrawn without explanation? If revenues are rising, why is hardship deepening? And if Nigeria is merely a developing economy with limited influence, why is it attracting this level of global attention?
These are not abstract questions. They are the pressure points of a system that extends far beyond Nigeria’s borders.
Because this story is no longer just about one country. The reality is that perhaps unbeknownst to many, it is about the future of African economic independence. It is about the structure of global energy markets, the dominance of the dollar and the role of debt in shaping national destiny. Honestly, the question that comes to bear is that if Nigeria, with all its resources and scale, cannot fully align its production with its domestic needs, what does that imply for the rest of the continent?
The next time the conversation turns to petrol prices, something must shift. Because the number on the pump is not where this battle is being fought. It is being fought in allocation decisions, in debt negotiations, in regulatory frameworks, in international financial systems, and in quiet policy moves that rarely make headlines.
The Dangote Refinery is not just an industrial project. It is a test case. A test of whether a nation can truly control its own resources in a world where power is rarely exercised loudly, but always effectively. And right now, that test is still unfolding.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
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