General News
GEJ vs GMB: Winner is… The Cable’s Verdict

Predicting the outcome of an election has never been this difficult. The reason, according to The Cable is not too complex though: this is the first time since 1999 that the opposition party has gathered enormous momentum going into an election.
What’s more: there seems to be a blossoming coalition between Muhammadu Buhari and the south.
All you need do is look at the crowds and supporters at his rallies in the south, compared to the years gone by.
However, no one dare rules out an incumbent president in a developing country, so President Goodluck Jonathan should not be considered down and out.
The Cable said that but he has had a lot of negative publicity in his first term — which puts him at a disadvantage, at least with many people.
The election is a referendum on his government, not on Buhari’s regime of three decades ago. There are good reasons for Buhari to be hopeful that he would win.
And there are good reasons for Jonathan to believe that he too would win. We try to highlight each candidate’s hopes.
The Cable taps Buhari to win based on five factors:
Bigger Base
In 2003, 2007 and 2011, Buhari was essentially a northern candidate with little support in the south. But he was clearly the darling of the “core north” and not the middle belt.
Either as candidate of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) or the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), Buhari never had any impact in the south and most of the middle belt.
Today, as candidate of the bigger All Progressives Congress (APC) — which has swallowed ANPP and CPC, in addition to the south-west party, Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) — Buhari has a bigger and broader base.
He never won 25% in any southern state before; this time, expect him to hit that threshold in all southern states, except perhaps Bayelsa.
Bigger Purse
The formation of APC has not only given Buhari a bigger national platform, his war chest is now heavier.
In the past, his finances were highly limited. He could not afford all the necessary logistics, such as buying enough campaign vehicles and maintaining them. He could not afford expensive media advertising.
His supporters often taxed themselves to make expenses on his behalf. In 2015, the story has changed.
Buhari is all over the newspapers, radio, TV and the Internet. He has a deep pocket courtesy of the support of governors such as Rotimi Amaechi and Aliyu Wamakko as well as wealthy Nigerians like Bola Tinubu and former vice-president, Atiku Abubakar.
Buhari, from struggling to fuel his campaign vehicles long ago, now uses chartered flights.
Bigger Youth Support
Buhari was never the darling of the educated youth population until now. In 2011, Jonathan monopolised the market with his hold on the social media, where the youth are the most active.
Buhari never had a Facebook page or Twitter handle. However, since he won the presidential ticket of his party in December, the story has changed completely. Youths who used to criticise Jonathan regularly on the social media simply moved to Buhari’s camp and, at some stage, drowned out pro-Jonathan voices.
They have also been creative and proactive, criticising every move of Jonathan swiftly and generating a lot of viral messages against the president.
Better Image
Buhari used to be seen as a religious fundamentalist who was bent on Islamising Nigeria. He had also been credited with a couple of statements that seemed to paint him in that light.
Long ago, he reportedly said Muslims should only vote for Muslims — a statement he denied. Last year, he was quoted as blaming Jonathan for the war against Boko Haram, reportedly saying a northerner gave Niger Delta militants but a southerner was instead killing northerners.
All these reports painted him as a northern and Islamic champion. These impressions have since vanished, starting possibly from the moment he was attacked in Kaduna last year by suspected Boko Haram militants.
Critical Issues
For once, the electioneering relegated sectional issues substantially to the background. Gone are the days of “it is our turn” or “Nigeria will be ungovernable if we don’t have it”.
Jonathan, as the sitting president, has been confronted with issues of insecurity and corruption which his opponents have highlighted very well.
Indeed, the message resonates well with many Nigerians who, despite opposing Buhari in the past, are now saying they would rather have him than four more years of Jonathan.
Issues such as the kidnap of Chibok schoolgirls, the alleged $20 billion missing oil money, poor power supply and the menace of Boko Haram are uppermost on their minds. In a sense, the “change” campaign is more of an anti-Jonathan sentiment.
NO, IT’S JONATHAN FOR SURE…
Incumbency Factor
In African politics, or the politics of underdeveloped countries for that matter, incumbents are hard to unseat.
Incumbents have been defeated in some nearby countries — such as Cote d’Ivoire and Senegal — but these deviations are not the rule.
In Nigeria’s history, incumbents have always returned: Tafawa Balewa (1960 and 1964, as prime minister), Shehu Shagari (1979 and 1983) and Olusegun Obasanjo (1999 and 2003).
Their returns were always controversial. So either steal, beg or borrow, Jonathan may use the advantage of incumbency to return to power.
The postponement of the election, for instance, is seen as a demonstration of incumbency power and it is believed that it has allowed Jonathan to re-strategise for victory.
The Nicodemus Factor
Although Buhari is dominating the airwaves, it could well be that those who are working for Jonathan are afraid of being “mobbed” and have decided to support him Nicodemusly (that means “secretly”, in case you are not familiar with the Bible story).
In some parts of the country, those known to be supporting Jonathan have been attacked in the past.
People lost their lives and property in 2011 for supporting Jonathan. There are various reports, mostly unconfirmed, that the northern elite are not well disposed to Buhari because of fear of vengeance.
Some traditional rulers are also thought to be apprehensive about a scarcity of goodies under an anti-corruption icon like Buhari.
Southern/Middle Belt emotion
Although Buhari now has a larger and broader base, there are those who will not vote for him simply because they think the north has a “born to rule” mentality.
No matter their misgivings with a Jonathan government, they will be happy not to have another northerner as president “so soon”.
Some southerners still refer to the past when the north ruled Nigeria from 1960 to 1999, minus the four combined years of Obasanjo and Ernest Shonekan.
This sentiment is still strong in some areas in the south, where some socio-cultural groups and elders are still talking about the “northern oligarchy”. The minorities in the north, meanwhile, seem to identify with the south in this aspect.
Stomach Infrastructure
There is a language that is often spoken among Nigerians voters: stomach infrastructure. A bag of rice, a bottle of vegetable oil, a bundle of clothing or a few wads of naira could win their votes.
It is a common factor in places where they do not have any serious interest in the candidates. When it comes to stomach infrastructure, then, Jonathan has a bigger storehouse than Buhari.
Although Buhari has a deeper pocket this time around, his funders also have other battles they are waging.
For instance, Tinubu and Amaechi are battling to install their governorship candidates, making the presidential election a bit of a distraction.
More so, the postponement of the election appears to have depleted opposition’s resources, while PDP’s pocket seems bottomless.
South-west? Which south-west?
Buhari’s hope of unseating Jonathan seems to rest so much on the belief that the APC is in control of the south-west.
Having scored 10 million votes less than Jonathan in 2011, the Buhari camp seemed to have finally accepted the fact that he needs southern votes to become president.
Since 2003. he had consistently won 12 million votes in the north without much presence in the south.
Nevertheless, the south-west may not be there for the taking in 2015. Out of the six states, Ondo and Ekiti are controlled by PDP governors.
Then Oyo and Ogun are very shaky for APC, with the ascendancy of pro-Jonathan politicians in those states and the fracturing of the opposition’s structure.
Meanwhile, Lagos and Osun should be seriously contested from all indications.
General News
Court Freezes Bank Accounts of Petrocam, Founder over Alleged N9Bn Zenith Bank Debt

Federal High Court sitting in Lagos has ordered the freezing of bank accounts belonging to Petrocam Trading Nigeria Limited and Patrick Ilo, its founder, over an alleged N9.05 billion debt.

Patrick Ilo and Petrocam Filling station
Justice Chukwujekwu Aneke of the court granted the interim orders in Suit No: FHC/L/CS/393/2026 which was an ex parte application filed by Zenith Bank to preserve funds allegedly owed by the defendants as of May 31, 2025.
It was gathered that the ex parte motion was argued by Chief A.A. Aribisala (SAN) on behalf of Zenith Bank.
While delivering the ruling on Wednesday, the court restrained the defendants, whether acting by themselves or through agents, privies, or assigns, from withdrawing, transferring, dissipating, or otherwise dealing with funds up to the sum of ₦9,057,511,855.63, pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice.
“An interim order is hereby granted restraining the defendants/respondents, Petrocam Trading Nigeria Limited and Patrick Ilo, whether by themselves, their agents, privies or assigns, from withdrawing, transferring, dissipating or otherwise dealing with any funds up to the sum of ₦9,057,511,855.63 pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice,” Justice Aneke ruled.
The court further ordered the freezing of all accounts linked to Bank Verification Number (BVN) 22141926401, which the bank alleged is being used by Ilo to operate Petrocam’s accounts.
In addition, Justice Aneke directed all financial institutions within the jurisdiction of the court to immediately place a lien or “Post-No-Debit” restriction on all accounts associated with the BVN.
According to the order, “All financial institutions within the jurisdiction of this honourable court are hereby directed to place a lien or post-no-debit restriction on all accounts linked to BVN 22141926401 pending further orders of the court.”
The order extends beyond traditional banks to key operators within Nigeria’s electronic payment ecosystem. Among those joined as respondents in the matter are the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System, Interswitch Limited, and Interswitch Financial Inclusion Services Limited.
The court also directed the institutions to disclose the details of all accounts linked to the BVN. Justice Aneke ordered the respondents to file an affidavit of return within seven days, revealing all accounts connected to the BVN, their balances, and the transaction history covering the preceding six months.
Court documents filed in support of the application showed that the credit facility at the centre of the dispute was subject to several pre-disbursement conditions imposed by Zenith Bank.
According to the filings, Petrocam was required to formally accept the facility through its authorised signatories, provide a board resolution approving the loan, and disclose any existing indebtedness to other lenders, including facility limits, outstanding balances, and collateral pledged.
Other conditions included the domiciliation of sales proceeds and Sovereign Debt Note subsidy payments from Oando Plc and Total Nigeria Plc into Petrocam’s account with Zenith Bank.
The company was also required to submit relevant contract agreements for the bank’s approval and provide a five percent counterpart contribution for each transaction, while all required security documentation had to be executed before the facility could be disbursed.
The bank further stated that Petrocam was expected to submit quarterly management accounts within 60 days after the end of each quarter and audited annual financial statements within 120 days.
In addition, Petrocam was required to route all import duty payments and Letters of Credit through its account with Zenith Bank, establish Letters of Credit for petroleum imports, and obtain comprehensive marine insurance naming Zenith Bank as the first loss payee.
Court filings also revealed that General Marine and Oil Services Ltd had been appointed by the bank to monitor petroleum product warehousing at Petrocam’s expense.
The facility agreement further imposed foreign exchange obligations, authorising Zenith Bank to settle maturing Usance obligations at 12 percent interest if Petrocam failed to provide the necessary funds.
The bank maintained that in the event of default, Petrocam would be responsible for all legal, recovery, and ancillary costs arising from enforcement of the facility.
The court also granted Zenith Bank leave to serve the defendants through substituted means.
Justice Aneke ruled that the defendants may be served at their last known address in Victoria Island, Lagos.
The matter has been adjourned to March 17, 2026, for mention.
General News
FCCPC Says Telcos, Energy Firms Lead Consumer Complaints in Nigeria

Telecommunications, energy, and fintech firms generate the highest number of consumer complaints in Nigeria, the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) has declared.

Tunji Bello, EVC, FCCPC
Tunji Bello, executive vice chairman, made this known on Thursday while briefing State House correspondents at the Aso Rock Presidential Villa, Abuja.
Bello said the commission had received thousands of complaints from Nigerians across these sectors and had recovered over N20bn for consumers as of March 2026.
According to him, the commission resolved more than 9,000 complaints and recovered over N10bn for consumers between March and August 2025 alone.
“Let me tell you where most complaints come from. Mostly on energy, fintech. For energy, people complain about the electricity supply, and so on. That’s where we get most complaints. And that led to recent action in Lagos against a disco. Also fintech. You know, people do a lot of transactions online, and most of them are either given unfair terms.
“Somebody has borrowed money, and then you discover that when they ask to pay back, the interest rate is outrageous. Most of them we have interrogated, and we’ve been able to resolve as many as possible,” Bello stated.
He added that the telecommunications sector and banks also account for significant complaints, noting that the commission receives about 25,000 complaints annually through various platforms.
Bello said cumulative recoveries for consumers had exceeded N20bn as of March 2026, up from N10bn recorded in October 2025.
General News
Ghana Nabs 93 Nigerians in Cybercrime Crackdown

Ghanaian authorities have arrested 93 Nigerian nationals over alleged involvement in internet fraud and immigration violations, as the West African nation intensifies its crackdown on cross-border cybercrime networks.

The arrests followed an intelligence-led raid by the Ghana Immigration Service (GIS) on six houses in Devtraco Estate in Accra believed to be operating as a hub for online fraud.
In a statement, GIS spokesperson Maud Anima Quainoo said the suspects comprised 91 men and two women and were arrested during a coordinated operation targeting a suspected cybercrime ring.
“This operation targeted six houses at Devtraco Estate where officers rescued 73 victims who had reportedly endured severe abuse and torture at the hands of the suspects,” said Quainoo.
Authorities said the victims were later repatriated to Nigeria.
Investigators recovered equipment suggesting a well-organised cybercrime enterprise. Items seized included 82 laptops, 57 mobile phones, 17 television sets, counterfeit US dollar notes and fake gold bars, along with household appliances believed to have supported the group’s operations.
Preliminary investigations indicate that some suspects entered Ghana through unauthorised border crossings, while others allegedly overstayed the 90-day visa-free entry period available to citizens of Economic Community of West African States countries.
The arrests are the latest in a growing list of cybercrime crackdowns in Ghana, highlighting the country’s struggle to contain increasingly sophisticated digital fraud operations.
In January, Ghanaian authorities arrested 53 Nigerians suspected of cybercrime and rescued 44 individuals believed to have been forced into online scam operations. In December, separate raids in Greater Accra led to the arrest of dozens of suspects linked to internet fraud syndicates.
Ghana has become a target for criminal networks running schemes such as romance scams, sextortion, online investment fraud, impersonation and mobile money scams. Victims are often recruited through fake job offers or promises of overseas opportunities before being forced to operate scam accounts targeting victims in Europe, North America and Asia.
Authorities have also uncovered cases involving digital gold trading scams, where fraudsters lure victims with fake mining investments or counterfeit gold deals.
The presence of high-speed internet equipment, including routers and satellite connectivity tools in previous raids, has further highlighted how cybercrime syndicates are leveraging advanced technology to expand operations.
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