News
Critics Blame Buhari, CBN for Nigeria’s Worst Economic Crisis

Some Nigerians have blasted President Muhammadu Buhari, elected on a wave of optimism last year, for failing to react not fast enough to the changing climate but made matters worse by experimenting with outmoded remedies that have not stemmed the economy’s freefall.
Godwin Emefiele, governor of Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has also come under bouquet of criticisms for some of his obnoxious policies as the apex bank governor.
Financial Times reported that as consequences of these that; supermarkets in Lagos are struggling to keep their shelves stocked, fuel is rationed and food prices have soared.
“The pain level is going up,” said Olisa Agbakoba, former head of the Nigerian Bar Association. “Everything is in short supply.”
Kayode Akindele at TIA Capital, a Lagos-based investment firm said that “The economy was a mess anyway and Nigeria was heading for a hard fall, but . . . should the fall be this hard?”
‘Self-inflicted’ wounds
According to the Financial Times, the fortunes of Africa’s most populous nation and leading oil producer have long ebbed and flowed with the price of oil, on which Nigeria depends for more than 90 per cent of hard currency earnings. But economists list several factors that make the current downturn markedly more worrying.
The structural change in the global oil industry since shale reserves were opened up by the development of new fracking techniques in the US makes it unlikely that major oil producers like Nigeria will see a significant price recovery any time soon.
In 2008, the last time crude prices crashed, Nigeria had savings to fall back on. This time it doesn’t: the administration of former president Goodluck Jonathan squandered the proceeds of the boom years in a bonanza of profligacy and corruption before he was voted out of office.
Then there is what critics describe as the “self-inflicted” wounds — the currency policies and associated import controls set up to conserve hard currency by prioritising strategic imports when Mr Buhari took power 12 months ago.
These have starved existing businesses of inputs, leading to a collapse in supplies of everything from medicines to spare parts, while incidents of price gouging have risen. The policies are also blamed for encouraging capital flight while forestalling fresh investment. Inflows dropped by nearly 75 per cent to $711m in the first four months of 2016.
“No one, even investors like us with a long-term view, is going to put money into Nigeria in the expectation of losing a third of the value of that investment,” says a senior partner in a UK-based private equity fund. He and other investors say that despite the president’s visceral opposition to devaluation, it appears inevitable.
The impact has been chilling. Nigeria’s economy, which grew annually at an average rate of 7 per cent in the decade to 2014, contracted by 0.36 per cent in the first quarter. According to most forecasts it is heading into recession.
The import controls and restrictions on foreign exchange have hit the manufacturing sector hard, eroding the credibility of the Buhari administration’s ambition to diversify the economy.
“Growing non-oil income is a key economic strategy of this government,” says Keith Richards, a veteran of Nigeria’s consumer goods industry who used to run a subsidiary in the country of Guinness, the brewer. “Blocking manufacturers manufacturing will have the opposite effect.”
More than half a million workers lost their jobs in the first four months of this year, according to official statistics. The livelihoods of tens of millions more people employed in the informal sector have been hit by inflation of nearly 14 per cent, spurred by escalating shortages of basic goods and the rapid devaluation of the naira on the parallel market, where most traders are now compelled to source their foreign exchange.
And while a new wave of militancy in the oil-producing Niger Delta has triggered a rally in the global price — it hit $50 per barrel last week for the first time in seven months — the violence is making matters worse at home, with any gains offset by production losses. In recent weeks, pipeline attacks have cut production to 1.45m barrels a day — far short of the 2.2m assumed in this year’s expansionary budget.
Oil revenues typically account for more than two-thirds of government income. Collapsing prices and falling production mean the government is now operating on about one-quarter of the $5bn in monthly revenues it had before the price fall began in mid-2014. Many state governments are now unable to pay salaries while power generation levels are at their lowest in years.
“Investors fear Nigeria is on a stagflationary road to Venezuelan-style multiple exchange rates and eventual meltdown,” says Charlie Robertson, chief economist at Renaissance Capital. “[But] we think reformists will help Nigeria swerve in time and avoid that car crash,” he said, after a government decision earlier this month to raise the price of fuel by 67 per cent in response to months of crippling shortages.
The price rise was interpreted as the government accepting the reality of severe dollar scarcity. But it fell short of the deregulation of state-set fuel prices that has long been urged by economists seeking to ease the chronic distortions in the economy. It left many observers saying shortages will return unless the government loosens its grip on the price of both fuel and the naira.
In a speech on Sunday marking his first year in office, Mr Buhari said he had inherited a “state near collapse”, ill-equipped for the strain of low oil prices. Insecurity was widespread, “corruption and impunity were the order of the day” and the treasury had been emptied. The initial challenge for his government had been to block leakages and reconstruct “the spine of the Nigerian state”.
The central bank last week admitted that the exchange rate cap — defended by Mr Emefiele as a way of protecting strategic imports from the low oil price and shielding the poor from inflation — is failing and should be abandoned. The comments fuelled speculation of a policy switch. Mr Buhari, on Sunday, appeared defensive about the approach taken so far but acknowledged that he had been forced to listen to advice to change course. He said he supported the central bank’s new strategy “to ensure alignment between monetary policy and fiscal strategy”.
The president also hinted in a briefing with local media that he was open to considering his options. “The . . . economists come and talk things to me, and when I raise issues they talk over my head instead of inside my head,” he was quoted as saying in Nigeria’s ThisDay newspaper. “On the value of the naira, I’m still agonising over it . . . I need to be educated on this . . . I am under pressure and we’ll see how we can accommodate the economists.”
Mr Emefiele has been crucial to the president’s defence that tight currency controls are the best response to the economic crisis. The two men meet frequently at the presidential villa, according to one of Mr Buhari’s spokesmen, and statements on monetary policy by the two over the past year are virtually indistinguishable.
Business argues that a controlled devaluation would allow manufacturers and traders to make informed pricing decisions, less dependent on the central bank governor’s will. Despite the recent comments, however, companies are not holding their breath.
Others in the government insist that the new budget will kick-start the economy. External borrowing to finance it has yet to be secured, however, and business remains unconvinced that government spending alone will be enough.
“It’s a monumental waste of money to be trying to stimulate the economy on the one hand and slowing it down on the other,” said Oyin Anubi, an Africa economist at Bank of America in London.
Losing allies
The damage is not just economic. The country’s travails have overshadowed progress the president has made on the problems he most wanted to tackle: the Islamist insurgency of Boko Haram and pervasive corruption in government.
Most damaging though is the political impact that is beginning to cost Mr Buhari allies. His decision-making style appears, even to senior members of the administration, overly secretive. Some criticise him for failing to consult with his cabinet and view his refusal to listen to alternative points of view.
Obiageli Ezekwesili, who served as a minister in two previous administrations and once led the World Bank’s Africa division, recently criticised Mr Buhari’s economic policies as “opaque” and “archaic”, saying that something that “did not work in 1984 cannot possibly be a solution in a global economy that’s much more integrated”.
Advisers to the president say his original priority was to lift people out of poverty. It was not to please the wealthy business community and skittish foreign portfolio investors. But those close to the administration claim there are signs of a shift in ideology within government: from the unbridled crony capitalism of the past to a more state-driven vision for promoting industry and jobs.
Industrial revolution
Mr Buhari’s initial instinct, said advisers, was to batten down the hatches, and pursue capital and import controls similar to those pursued by China in the 1980s, while gradually building up export capacity in sectors beyond oil.
The aim was to engineer the beginnings of an industrial revolution, create jobs and dedicate investment towards rebuilding infrastructure. Ethiopia, on the other side of the continent, has spurred the beginnings of an economic transformation using similar methods.
In Nigeria’s case, however, it could already be too late. The government’s ability to control the capital account — the deficit doubled to 3.7 per cent of GDP in 2015 — and restrict imports in a country rife with smuggling is questionable.
A Venezuela-style meltdown — once dismissed out of hand — now no longer seems such an outlandish prospect. Some observers argue that this doomsday scenario is forcing officials, including the president, to accept the need for a course correction.
“The bunker mentality has changed [in the past month] to a more open-to-discussion one” said Bismarck Rewane, chief executive of Financial Derivatives, a consultancy in Lagos.
“Even if the change [in policy] is involuntary, the combination of inflation, slowing GDP, exchange rate pressure and the drop in oil production . . . will bring change.”
Oil fight: Delta violence hits output Who are the Niger Delta Avengers? What do they want? How seriously should their threats to shut down Nigeria’s oil and gas sector be taken? The only question with an unequivocal answer is the third one.
Its leadership, backers and motivations remain unclear. But the devastating economic impact of the group’s sabotage campaign is plain to see. It has cut Nigeria’s crude exports by at least 850,000 barrels per day with attacks this year on pipelines and export terminals across the Niger Delta, home of the country’s oil industry, and no stranger to clashes over calls for a fairer distribution of oil revenues with the local community.
The shutdown in exports by the Avengers is not yet on a par with that of the militants of MEND at the height of the previous insurgency that ended with a ceasefire in 2009. But with state finances already severely strained by low oil prices, economists predict Nigeria will fall more quickly into recession unless the damage to energy infrastructure is repaired and the sabotage ends.
President Muhammadu Buhari has ordered army reinforcements to the Delta and threatened to treat the militants like the Boko Haram Islamists who have terrorised the north-east of the country. The comparison has angered many in the Delta who argue that, even if the sabotage damages the economy, it should be seen as a cry for attention.
“[Buhari] tends to see the Delta as a security issue . . . it’s about handling the ‘bad guys’,” says one western diplomat. “You hear almost nothing on the underlying grievances.”
The failure of the 2009 amnesty is one point over which the Buhari administration and many Deltans could find common ground.
“It was a bribe for peace,” said Charles Ekiyor, a former leader of the Ijaw Youth Council. The deal was supposed to include development of the impoverished region, he said. But under Mr Buhari’s predecessor, Goodluck Jonathan — who is from the Delta — it did not happen. Now the same grievances are being exploited by the Niger Delta Avengers.
News
BOI MD, Olasupo Olusi, Charts Tech-Driven Path to Growth for Nigeria

Dr. Olasupo Olusi, the Managing Director of the Bank of Industry (BOI), has challenged Nigeria to urgently convert its vast reservoir of talent into measurable productivity, declaring that the nation’s economic future depends less on potential and more on deliberate organisation of skills, technology, and capital.

Delivering the 18th Convocation Lecture at Ladoke Akintola University of Technology (LAUTECH), Ogbomosho, Oyo State, Olusi presented a sweeping diagnosis of Nigeria’s economic paradox – abundant human capital, yet underwhelming output – while positioning technology as the critical bridge between the two.
Olusi argued that Nigeria’s problem is not a shortage of talent but the failure to translate that talent into economic value. According to him, productivity, defined as output relative to input, remains the missing link between effort and impact in the country’s development trajectory.
“Nigeria’s challenge is not necessarily to produce more talents. The challenge is to organise that talent pool into productivity,” he said, adding that while Nigerians are globally competitive, systemic inefficiencies continue to limit economic outcomes.
He drew attention to comparative data showing Nigeria trailing peer economies in manufacturing output and agricultural yields, despite possessing similar starting advantages decades ago. The implication, he noted, is clear: the country must rethink how it deploys its resources.
Anchoring his argument on technology, Olusi pointed to ongoing transformations across sectors – from financial technology platforms expanding access to credit, to precision agriculture solutions improving yields and incomes. These examples, he said, demonstrate how innovation can amplify human effort and unlock productivity gains at scale.
“Technology does not replace human effort. It multiplies it, and that is the bridge between talent and productivity,” Olusi stated, urging Nigerian universities to move beyond theoretical knowledge and focus on producing practical, scalable solutions to real economic challenges.
He specifically called on institutions like LAUTECH to lead the charge in innovation, stressing that universities must become engines of production by linking research directly to industry and markets.
Speaking on the role of development finance, Olusi outlined the strategic repositioning of the Bank of Industry to support technology-led growth. He revealed that BOI is embedding digital transformation at the core of its 2025–2027 strategy, with a focus on accelerating access to finance, supporting innovation, and building enterprise capacity.
A key initiative, he disclosed, is the launch of a digital loan application platform scheduled for June 2026, which will enable entrepreneurs to access funding more efficiently.
“If technology multiplies productivity, then development finance must be organised to accelerate technology adoption. Without capital, talent and technology remain mere potential. With it, they become production,” he said.
Olusi highlighted several BOI-backed interventions across manufacturing, agriculture, infrastructure, and sustainability, noting that the Bank is increasingly financing technology upgrades that enable businesses to scale, compete globally, and create jobs.
He also underscored the need to strengthen the link between academia and industry, announcing plans for an Industrial Innovation Fund aimed at bridging the gap between research and commercialisation. In addition, he disclosed a proposed student venture capital grant programme designed to support young innovators with funding of up to ₦50 million.
Addressing the graduating students, Olusi urged them to prioritise problem-solving, production, and integrity, while encouraging those considering migration to remain connected to Nigeria’s development.
“This nation is still under construction, and she needs her most capable people,” he said, noting that meaningful transformation will occur not in theory but through practical engagement in farms, factories, and enterprises.
Olusi expressed confidence in Nigeria’s economic outlook, pointing to ongoing reforms and increased investment in digital skills, innovation, and infrastructure as signs of progress.
“I am optimistic about Nigeria, not because the challenges are small, but because I have seen what Nigerians achieve when the right systems are in place. The journey from talent to productivity is not a slogan. It is the work of a generation,” he said.
He concluded with a direct charge to the graduates and the broader Nigerian youth, whom he described as central to the country’s future.
“The question is not whether this transformation will happen. The question is who will do it. And the answer is sitting here. You are the builders. Go and build.”
News
CADEF, Stakeholders Push for Zero Added Sugar Standards in Infant Foods

Consumer advocates, health professionals and policymakers have called for urgent regulatory reforms to eliminate added sugars in infant foods, warning that current standards may be exposing Nigerian babies to avoidable long-term health risks.

Chiso Ndukwe-Okafor, Executive Director of CADEF
The call was made on Thursday at a high-level stakeholders’ meeting in Abuja organised by the Consumer Advocacy and Empowerment Foundation (CADEF) in partnership with Public Eye, where new findings on sugar content in baby foods triggered widespread concern.
Public Eye’s research focused on Cerelac, Nestlé’s widely consumed infant cereal across Africa. Laboratory tests on nearly 100 samples purchased in over 20 African countries revealed that 94 per cent contained added sugar. On average, products recorded about 6 grams of added sugar per serving equivalent to roughly one and a half sugar cubes with some markets reaching between 7 and 7.5 grams. Nigerian samples averaged 5 grams, with peaks of 6.1 grams.
The figures refer strictly to sugar added during manufacturing and exclude naturally occurring sugars present in ingredients such as grains, fruits and milk.
Nestlé however maintained that its products comply with local regulations and are fortified to address nutritional deficiencies.
However, the company has not explained why sugar-free formulations are available in Europe while African markets receive variants containing added sugar.
Opening the session, Chiso Ndukwe-Okafor, Executive Director of CADEF, stressed that the advocacy is not targeted at any single company but aimed at safeguarding children’s health and advancing a zero-added-sugar standard for infant foods in Nigeria.
“African babies are being fed sugar Europe would never accept,” she said, highlighting disparities in product formulations across regions.
Citing the findings, she noted that some cereal-based infant foods contain “over four grams, almost five grams of sugar,” but clarified that manufacturers are not breaching existing laws.
“They are complying with current regulations, which are based on Codex standards developed over 30 years ago,” she said, pointing to the outdated nature of the framework as the core issue.
She urged regulatory authorities to align national standards with current global health recommendations.
CADEF warned that early exposure to added sugars can shape children’s taste preferences and increase their risk of obesity, diabetes, dental disease and other non-communicable conditions later in life echoing guidance from the World Health Organization, which advises against added sugars in infant foods.
While acknowledging that existing sugar levels fall within Nigeria’s Codex-based standards, the organisation argued that the framework is no longer sufficient to protect infant nutrition.
It clarified that its concerns relate specifically to sugars deliberately added as sweeteners or enhancers, not naturally occurring sugars in raw ingredients.
Stakeholders at the meeting called on key regulators including the Standards Organisation of Nigeria (SON) and the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) to review existing standards and enforce clearer, more transparent labelling requirements.
CADEF emphasised that parents deserve accurate, easy-to-understand information when making nutritional choices, noting that Nigerian consumers should enjoy the same level of product quality and protection available in other markets.
Among its recommendations is the introduction of mandatory front-of-pack labelling that clearly identifies and distinguishes sources of sugar, alongside policies to drive reformulation toward zero added sugar.
“We need front-of-pack labelling in simple language that separates the source of sugar on each product,” Ndukwe-Okafor said, adding that regulators and paediatric stakeholders expressed support for reform.
Also speaking, Adeyemo Adebayo of the Nutrition Division at the Federal Ministry of Health stressed that policy reforms must be complemented by sustained public advocacy to achieve meaningful impact.
He called for broader health education efforts beyond formal legislation, including engagement with traditional and religious leaders to drive grassroots awareness that infants do not require added sugar.
Jubril Mohammed, representing the Standards Organisation of Nigeria, said the agency’s role is to facilitate consensus-driven standards rather than impose unilateral decisions.
He noted that proposals such as eliminating added sugar must be backed by evidence and stakeholder agreement, adding that review processes can take up to a year.
He, however, expressed the agency’s willingness to collaborate with CADEF.
From a clinical perspective, Dr. Anthony Bawa, representing the Paediatric Association of Nigeria (PAN), called for stronger multi-sector collaboration involving academia, health institutions and lawmakers to address the risks associated with added sugars in infant diets.
He emphasised the importance of National Assembly involvement in enacting effective legislation to protect children’s health.
The meeting also highlighted international precedents. In India, sustained advocacy and regulatory pressure have compelled manufacturers to introduce multiple no-added-sugar variants of infant foods, demonstrating that reform is achievable.
As interim guidance, advocates urged parents to limit processed foods, avoid sugary drinks and sweets for young children, and prioritise natural options such as fruits.
“Don’t give children soft drinks. Don’t give them sweets,” Ndukwe-Okafor advised, recommending healthier alternatives like bananas and mangoes.
The coalition said it will engage senior policymakers and the National Assembly to push for stricter regulations, including a zero-added-sugar benchmark for infant foods in Nigeria.
Stakeholders agreed that a combination of regulatory reform, industry accountability and consumer education will be critical to safeguarding infant health and securing a healthier future.
News
UK–Nigeria Skills and Schools Trade Mission Concludes with Strong Foundations for Education Partnership

A high-level UK delegation has concluded a week-long skills and schools trade mission to Nigeria, marking a significant step forward in education and skills cooperation between the two countries.

Running from 19-23 April 2026 across Abuja and Lagos State, the mission brought together leading UK private schools, skills providers, and education institutions with Nigerian partners, schools, and the Honourable Minister of Education Dr Tunji Alausa.
The mission follows the high profile and well received state visit to the UK in March, which also included education engagements. Supported by the UK’s Department for Business and Trade (DBT), the mission forms part of its new International Education Strategy, under which Nigeria has been identified as one of five priority education markets, spearheaded by Professor Sir Steve Smith, who is looking forward to visiting the country again this year.
The mission focused on in-country delivery of education, the establishment of world-renowned UK schools in Nigeria, and the development of skills and Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) systems aligned with industry demand.
In Abuja, the delegation met with Nigeria’s Honourable Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, securing strong political backing for UK–Nigeria education partnerships and set the groundwork for ongoing institutional collaboration across both schools and skills.
In Lagos, delegates engaged further with potential partners and investors. In both cities the delegation was thrilled to visit local British curriculum schools and colleges to further enable them to experience first-hand the teaching and learning environment.
British Deputy High Commissioner, Jonny Baxter, said: “The UK and Nigeria share a deep and longstanding relationship, and opportunities in education are one of its most exciting frontiers.
“This mission has demonstrated the strong appetite on both sides to deepen collaboration in education and skills.”
“By bringing together UK schools and skills providers with Nigerian partners and policymakers, we are laying the foundations for even more long-term partnerships that support Nigeria’s education priorities, strengthen skills aligned to industry needs, and create opportunities for sustainable, in-country delivery as well as positioning Nigeria as the regional hub for high quality education.”
DBT Head of International Education, Sarah Chidgey, said: “This mission is a perfect example of the International Education Strategy being put into action, building on multiple two-way visits and the UK and Nigeria’s warm relationship. It has been heartening to see all the progress in UK Nigeria education collaboration since my first visit to Nigeria, as part of a wider delegation, in 2022.”
DBT’s mission concluded with a strong pipeline of follow-up activity, including targeted one-to-one meetings, MoU discussions, and agreed next steps between UK and Nigerian counterparts.
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