General News
Oil Prices: OPEC No Longer in Charge

The failure of the cartel partners in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) to agree to a production cut that would put a brake on plummeting crude prices show that the cartel may have outlived its usefulness, NY Times has suggested
The greatest beneficiary is the United States where since the economically crippling oil embargo of 1973, every American president has pledged to seek and achieve energy independence.
On Friday, the benchmark American price for crude oil continued the free fall that began on Thursday, closing at $66.15, its lowest price in more than four years.
The inability or unwillingness of OPEC to act showed that the cartel was no longer the dominating producer whose decisions determine global supplies and prices. Suddenly, the United States — which is poised to surpass Saudi Arabia as the world’s top producer, possibly in a matter of months — is in that position, although the resiliency of that new command must still be tested.
“This is a historic turning point,” said Daniel Yergin, the energy historian. “The defining force now in world oil today is the growth of U.S. production. The outcome of the OPEC meeting is a clear indication that the oil exporters now recognize that this is a new market.”
For decades, the United States faced dwindling domestic production and rising demand, leading President George W. Bush to call on the country to get off its “addiction” to imported oil. But around eight years ago a few small oil companies began experimenting to produce oil from hard shale rocks in North Dakota and Texas, using hydraulic fracturing — fracking — and horizontal drilling techniques that proved effective in producing natural gas a few years earlier.
Domestic oil production has soared more 70 percent over the last six years, to roughly nine million barrels a day. The country is still a net importer, but with production growing by more than a million barrels a day every year, it is importing less and less almost every month.
Imports from OPEC producers have been cut by more than a half in recent years, forcing increasing competition among Saudi Arabia and other exporting countries seeking to replace the American market with Chinese and other Asian markets. That has produced more cracks in an organization in which competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran is already fierce.
That remarkable global turnaround has been a windfall for the United States, helping keep inflation in check, lower the trade deficit, strengthen the American dollar and bring relief to consumers.
On Friday, Americans paid an average of $2.79 a gallon for regular gasoline, according to the AAA motor club, nearly 50 cents less than a year ago.
For David Goldwyn, the State Department’s coordinator for international energy affairs in the first Obama administration, OPEC’s decision not to cut was “strategic .”
“What we have now is a yearlong game of chicken,” he said. “The Saudis are waiting to see how much U.S. production adjusts because of prices and they are waiting to see how much pain the other major oil producers can take before they are willing to make meaningful cuts.” Referring to the global oil benchmark, he added, “If Brent sinks below $60, I think you will see OPEC hit the panic button pretty fast.” That would mean an extraordinary OPEC meeting, and emergency cuts in production.
The Brent price has fallen more than a third since June and closed on Friday at $70.15 a barrel.
For OPEC producers like Venezuela and Iran, the tumbling price in oil has produced economic hardship and potential political problems.
Venezuela and Algeria contend that OPEC needed to band to together to cut production and raise prices. But Saudi Arabia has by far the most sway in OPEC, since the kingdom produces roughly one-third of OPEC output alone. It also has the financial muscle and spare capacity to lower or raise production whenever the Saudi royal family deems necessary.
Saudi Arabia resisted calls for lower production mainly because the countries that were most vociferous in calling for cuts would be the countries least able to actually cut their production since their cash-short governments are dependent on more, not less oil revenue.
And there was no guarantee that a cut in OPEC production would raise prices. Even if it did, that would only encourage more American output. So far, United States oil production has proved resilient no matter the price.
Even as prices slid in October, production in the Bakken shale field in North Dakota and the Eagle Ford field in Texas — the two primary promoters of the American oil production boom — increased more than 3 percent over the month before.
That is because American producers keep improving the efficiency and output of their wells with new technology, and because in the short run, lower prices can actually encourage companies to produce more to pay debts and dividends.
Energy experts caution that there is no guarantee that the United States will permanently keep its new powerful edge on world markets. Eventually, low oil prices will drive down production in higher-cost fields, drive marginal companies that are deeply in debt out of business and encourage major companies to slow down their investment in new wells. Several companies have already shaved their 2015 exploration budgets.
And OPEC has been weakened before, only to stage a comeback. The cartel is still able to produce about a third of the global oil market.
After the oil price spikes of the 1970s, the United States and other industrialized countries raised their strategic reserves, put into effect conservation policies and incentivized oil production. New output from places like Alaska and the North Sea in the 1980s helped produce a glut, sending oil prices plummeting. Saudi Arabia lobbied its OPEC partners for production quota cuts, and the kingdom cut its own production. When other OPEC members failed to comply with the new quotas, prices collapsed in 1986, and Saudi Arabia lost valuable markets for years to come.
OPEC has never completely regained the power it once had, but in the early 2000s, oil prices spiked again primarily because of the rapid growth in demand from China and other developing countries and increasing unrest in several oil-producing countries like Nigeria and Venezuela. With the oil market growing tighter, Saudi Arabia expanded its spare capacity and kept a lid on spiraling prices.
An equilibrium price of around $100 a barrel kept producing and consuming countries reasonably happy. But now the United States production, combined with slowing economic activity in China and Europe, have broken the balance.
“OPEC still has power in that they can still cut production and raise price if they choose to do so,” said Michael C. Lynch, president of Strategic Energy and Economic Research and sometimes an adviser to OPEC. But he added, “They don’t have the same power they once did because so many of the members are in bad financial condition and so it’s harder for them to cut production and lose revenues in the short term to raise prices.”
General News
Globacom Donates ₦1Billion to Lagos State Security Trust Fund

In its bid to contribute its quota to the consolidation of security in Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos, telecommunications giant, Globacom, has thrown its weight behind the Lagos State Security Trust Fund (LSSTF) with a donation of ₦1 billion.

The generous donation was announced at a Private Sector Breakfast Meeting with CEOs, convened at the instance of the Executive Governor of Lagos State, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu, on Friday, January 30, 2026 and shows the company’s commitment to fostering public safety which would in turn, culminate in enhanced prosperity and social re-engineering in the state.
The donation, which is the biggest private-sector intervention from the telecommunications sector to the Fund in recent years, again shows that Globacom is a responsible, responsive and people-oriented corporate citizen.
Globacom disclosed that the intervention emphasized deeper collaboration between government and the state’s business community especially in relation to security, innovation and economic resilience—an agenda which the digital solutions company has unabashedly supported through sustained social investments.
The Executive Secretary/CEO of the Fund, Dr. Ayo Ogunsan, in his display of appreciation described Globacom’s largesse as “a powerful demonstration of corporate citizenship and a strategic investment in the stability of Lagos State,” saying since LSSTF was established to bridge funding gaps in security infrastructure, it desired voluntary contributions from corporate bodies and well-meaning collaborators.
Dr. Ogunsan promised that the ₦1 billion donation will significantly enhance the Fund’s capacity to address critical priorities for 2026, including multipurpose security helicopters and drones, Armoured Personnel Carriers (APCs), water cannons, digital communication equipment and Smart CCTV systems. These assets, he added, were germane to proactive policing, rapid response and intelligence-led operations across the state.
He therefore encouraged Lagosians to support businesses that invest in the safety and development of the state, saying, “When companies step forward to secure our environment, residents should reciprocate by patronizing them. Their support directly impacts the protection of lives, property and economic activity.”
A statement from Globacom explained that the donation was an expression of the company’s staunch belief in Nigeria’s future. “At Globacom, we see security not as a government burden alone, but as a shared responsibility. When people feel safe, enterprise grows, creativity flourishes and hope becomes practical. Our support for the LSSTF is about protecting the everyday dreams of millions of Lagosians,” he noted.
With this donation to the LSSTF, Globacom has furthered its tradition of investing directly in the conditions like safety, confidence and stability which help commerce to thrive. Consequent on the support, LSSTF is gingered to raise the bar of security thereby concretizing Lagos State’s position as Nigeria’s safest and most vibrant commercial hub.
This recent financial intervention from Globacom is in tandem with its avowed commitment to social responsibility that is practical, timely, scalable and aligned with national priorities.
The company’s interventions in the past decades have spanned relief efforts for flood-affected communities, support for displaced persons, advanced youth skills through structured training programmes, and investments in education, culture and digital inclusion.
General News
What If the Problem Isn’t Just the Government

By Blaise Udunze
Recent reports in the media space highlighting threats of “naked protests” by market women across several states if the federal government fails to address the issue of hardship underscore the depth of hunger and poverty gripping the nation. No doubt, there is hardship in the country, of which Nigeria’s poverty crisis is often framed as the government’s failure, poor policies, weak institutions, corruption, and economic mismanagement.

From a balanced viewpoint, while these factors are undeniable, they do not tell the full story in its totality. The reality is that the majority of Nigerians, being the larger populace experiencing this challenge, will definitely oppose the ideology that poverty in Nigeria is not merely a policy problem; it is also a societal one. The underlying truth is that this is shaped by citizens’ behaviours, choices, cultural norms, and civic attitudes. This will remain a lived experience of the people until this dimension is confronted honestly; reforms will continue to yield limited results.
Nigeria’s economy has witnessed growth as inflation has decelerated, with headline inflation easing to 15.15percent and food inflation retreating to 10.84 percent, the exchange rate was stabilizing, and foreign reserves ($46.7 billion) had climbed to a seven-year peak, and despite the growth figures and ambitious government targets, millions of Nigerians remain trapped in poverty. More alarming is the recent estimates suggesting that an additional two million people could fall below the poverty line this year alone.
The intrigue is that the geographic distribution of these figures tells a deeper story, and this is more revealing than the numbers; however, there is an uneven geographical spread. Of concern here, which is troubling, is why states such as Yobe, Jigawa, Katsina, Kano, and Zamfara tend to experience or be deep in poverty when compared to other states like Lagos, Port Harcourt, Aba, Enugu, and Onitsha, which are projected to experience less poverty. This disparity raises a critical question, which calls for an urgent answer to why poverty outcomes differ so starkly within the same country, because no doubt, much of the explanation lies beyond government failures.
While governance challenges exist nationwide, the explanation extends beyond Abuja. Perhaps this is from deliberate ignorance of the people; the reality is that it lies in education, cultural practices, social norms, and individual responsibility play decisive roles in shaping economic outcomes.
One key alarming fact that has deeply entrenched poverty in many northern states, unlike other regions, is limited access to education, especially for girls, early marriage, polygamy, and large family sizes. There have been several factors that reinforce cycles of poverty by stretching limited household resources, reducing educational attainment, and limiting economic mobility, and this will continue to be a long-standing challenge or lived experience for the people if not addressed.
It is clearer that practical comparison illustrates this reality. Taking into consideration that a low-income worker in Yobe who marries four wives and raises over twenty children will inevitably struggle to provide adequate education, healthcare, and opportunities for his family, while in contrast, a similar worker in Aba is more likely to marry later, have fewer children, and invest in their education. Without much ado, over time, the children in the latter household acquire skills, productivity, and economic relevance because their parents chose to prioritise education for them, while the former remain trapped in subsistence and dependency. These differences are not subjective; they are structural and measurable.
Religion and culture further complicate the picture as record has it that Nigeria is one of the most religious countries in the world, yet religiosity often serves personal aspirations, prosperity, miracles, or divine favour rather than reinforcing civic responsibility and social ethics. Today in Nigeria, political leaders frequently reinforce this distortion and moral narrative. Only recently, it was announced that public officials in Abuja celebrate marrying off multiple children at once, some governors borrow billions to spend public funds on religious pilgrimages, while underfunding education, healthcare, and infrastructure, they send a clear message about priorities. In contrast, states that invest deliberately in education, such as Enugu with its smart school initiatives, demonstrate how leadership choices influence societal outcomes.
Still, the crisis of responsibility is not confined to any region. It is national, as proved during the discussions at Lagos State’s 12th Summit of the Association of Retired Heads of Service and Permanent Secretaries (ALARHOSPS), it was emphasized that societal progress depends not only on leadership but on citizenship behaviour. According to Professor Wusu Onipede, citizenship is defined by commitment to collective welfare, not mere residence.
The truth is not far-fetched, going by the saying that actions, positive or negative, directly impact society. What would have informed the common actions, such as stealing public assets, vandalizing infrastructure, ignoring traffic laws, or tolerating corruption, all accumulate into widespread societal harm as seen in our everyday lives. Conversely, volunteering, mentorship, and community engagement generate resilience, opportunity, and shared prosperity. With close reading, one will notice that this dynamic was captured succinctly in Professor Oluwatomi Alade’s “Triangle for Change,” which pointed to the home, the school, and the community. Parents must brace up to understand that the primary responsibility is upon them to start prioritising education, teachers who impart both knowledge and character, and communities that uphold civic values create the foundation for sustainable development because the truth is that the change does not only rest on the government. In the same manner, it will be said that neglect in any of these spheres, whether through early marriage, disregard for schooling, or normalization of polygamy, undermines national progress.
Religious institutions, as Professor Oguntola-Laguda argues, must also evolve, which means that beyond spiritual teachings, they should emphasize practical social ethics in the areas of responsibility, productivity, gender inclusion, and civic duty. In regions where harmful norms persist, faith leaders, traditional authorities, and elders possess the influence necessary to drive change, if they choose not to use it, otherwise the society will remain impoverished.
Globally, the link between social norms and poverty is well established, and norms that condone child marriage, gender exclusion, or unchecked family sizes perpetuate intergenerational deprivation. Over the period, in other countries, it is clear that economic interventions alone cannot dismantle these patterns because countries like India show that combining education incentives, political inclusion, and social protection can reduce poverty among marginalized groups. Initiatives such as Uganda’s SASA, which is a program that demonstrates that shifting attitudes toward gender and empowerment lead to improved economic outcomes. Nigeria’s poverty strategy must similarly integrate social transformation with economic reform.
None of this absolves government responsibility. Poorly sequenced reforms, rising taxes, insecurity, weak infrastructure, and inadequate social protection continue to deepen hardship. Senator David Mark of the African Democratic Congress has criticized what he terms “vicious policies” that worsen citizens’ vulnerability. Nigerians are acutely aware of these failures. What they demand is not statistics or political rhetoric, but practical policies that reduce hardship, enable productivity, and promote inclusion.
Even at this, Nigerians must take into cognisance that government action alone is insufficient. Poverty cannot be eradicated where large families are unsustainable, education is undervalued, and corruption is tolerated at the household and community levels. Individual responsibility remains the missing link. Citizens must be discreet in their timing for marriage until they can provide adequately, manage family sizes responsibly, educate all children, especially girls and reject the glorification of excess and impunity.
Insecurity further illustrates this shared responsibility. Though one will argue that the state bears the constitutional duty to protect lives and property, law and order. What about the dwellers? Communities must actively support security efforts through vigilance, information sharing, and conflict resolution. Silence in the face of crime and corruption enables disorder because independence loses meaning when citizens disengage from safeguarding their own communities.
Another critical aspect that is akin to insecurity is that economic development also falters when citizens undermine progress through dishonesty, rent-seeking, and apathy. What people fail to understand is that entrepreneurship, accountability, and cooperation are as vital as government-led job creation. The same thing can be said of cooperatives, vocational training, and local enterprise, which can deliver immediate relief and long-term sustainability. Wealthier Nigerians must focus on genuine social investment, creating opportunities, supporting education, and building institutions that outlast personal interest or individual generosity, rather than charity or wasteful spending or fueling crimes. Social responsibility must become a social norm.
One laughable misconception people harbour about independence, which must be clarified, is that it is not simply freedom from colonial rule; it is the presence of civic responsibility. It must be understood that poverty persists not only because of policy gaps but because of harmful norms, cultural practices, and neglected duties. Anyone can argue this, but the truth is that there will always be a replay of this menace kicked against because every child denied education, every early marriage, every act of corruption reinforces the cycle.
Breaking this repeating problem, known as poverty, takes several coordinated strategies working together, not just one solution. There must be an understanding that the issues are complex and interconnected; they must be addressed from different angles at the same time. For these reasons, the government must provide stable policies, infrastructure, and social protection and the citizens, in like manner, must reform behaviours that perpetuate poverty. The same must be said of the families that must prioritize education, and also the communities must reward civic engagement and innovation. Religious and cultural leaders must promote responsibility alongside faith because these are critical platforms that have the attention of the greater number of people. The policymakers at this juncture must ensure that policies not only deliver relief but also incentivize behaviours that support sustainable development.
Without too much argument, it is glaring that Nigeria’s potential is evident in states and communities that have embraced education, civic virtue, and social reform. Judging by the developments in different states, one will conclude that Lagos demonstrates how engagement and accountability improve outcomes, while Enugu shows that investing in children yields long-term dividends. Conversely, regions where harmful norms persist remain trapped, regardless of federal spending.
Without much ado, all Nigerian stakeholders must come to the terms that Nigeria’s poverty challenge cannot be reduced to government failure alone. It is a collective problem rooted in culture, norms, and personal choices because sustainable development demands both accountable leadership and responsible citizenship. The fact remains that poverty will remain an enduring shadow, irrespective of the repeated threats of “naked protests,” but until Nigerians fully embrace their role as architects, not just beneficiaries of national progress. True independence begins when citizens accept that the future of the nation rests as much in their daily choices as in public policy.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
General News
EdTech Platform Unveils over 5,000 Self-Paced Courses for Skills, Knowledge, and Literacy

Hallos, formerly known as Aahbibi, has officially announced its rebrand alongside the launch of more than 5,000 self-paced courses aimed at strengthening knowledge transfer, accelerating skill acquisition, and improving literacy among everyday learners across Africa and beyond.

The new identity signals a renewed commitment to building an inclusive, creator-driven learning ecosystem that equips individuals with practical, relevant skills for today’s economy.
Positioned as a creator-economy engine, Hallos brings together education, entertainment, and commerce within a single digital platform. It integrates live classes hosted by creators, social commerce and merchandising, podcast-driven learning, and quiz-based gamification. This blended approach is designed to deepen understanding, boost engagement, and promote fast, practical learning experiences for users at every level.
With creators already active on the platform from Kenya, Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, Lagos, the United States, and Dubai, Hallos is cultivating a truly global community rooted in African creativity and innovation. Its expanding international network offers diverse perspectives, practical insights, and culturally relevant content that resonates with learners across regions.
Beyond online learning, Hallos is also emerging as a creative economy powerhouse, driving engagement through physical and hybrid experiences.
Upcoming initiatives include the Learning247 Creator Summit at the University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus (UNEC), and a major exhibition at the Enugu Technology Festival. These events are designed to connect creators, learners, and industry stakeholders, fostering collaboration, showcasing innovation, and expanding opportunities in the creative and digital sectors.
At the heart of Hallos’ mission is a four-pillar strategy focused on long-term social and economic impact. The platform is dedicated to supporting women in technology, advancing massive open connected education, and positioning Africa as a global production hub through market-ready skills development.
By empowering individuals with practical knowledge, Hallos aims to strengthen the labour market and unlock new economic opportunities across the continent.
Hallos is also introducing a social impact course that encourages collective participation in Africa’s transformation. The initiative invites individuals, creators, and organisations to help reshape narratives, broaden opportunities, and drive the continent toward greater prosperity.
With its new brand identity and expanded course catalogue, Hallos is charting a bold future for learning — one where creators lead, communities thrive, and practical knowledge is accessible to all.
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