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List of Biggest Political Casualties of the General Elections

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Election day in Nigeria
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The April 11 Gubernatorial and State Assembly elections have come and gone, bringing to an end over 12 months of rigorous electioneering and scheming.

Winners have emerged and the also-rans are counting their financial and political loses. Some losers, however, were obviously worse affected than others.

Carlhz Chinedu, a sociopolitical commentator and a social justice activist in this compilation, lists the biggest casualties of the March 28 and April 11 political hurricanes.

Mua’zu Babangida Aliyu:
The Niger State “Chief Servant’s” woeful performance at both the March 28 and April 11 elections has called into question his supposed status as a force to be reckoned with in the Nigerian political equation.
The long-serving Chairman of the Northern States Governors’ Forum (NSGF) not only failed to “deliver” his state to the PDP’s Goodluck Ebele Jonathan in the Presidential Polls and in his bid to ensure that his anointed candidate, Umar Nasko, succeeds him at the Minna Government House, but he also fluffed in his quest to represent the Niger East Senatorial Zone in the 8th Senate.
It’s really been a season of reality checks for the once-influential governor, a politician who was reportedly being groomed by some power brokers in the North to succeed Goodluck Ebele Jonathan come 2019.
He was even widely quoted in the local press few weeks ago as saying that he intends to “mark time” in the Senate while he awaits the 2019 General Elections when he would take a shot at the country’s top job. All that is up in the air now.
As it stands, instead of waiting in the senate, he will be marking time at home while he counts his loses and plans his next political move.

Lagos PDP:
These are not the best of times for the PDP nationwide, more so in Lagos state. The party’s huge losses at the polls is made much worse by the fact that Lagos state is the de facto nerve center of the APC.
Depending on how the APC goes about governing both the country and the state, the once-dominant PDP may be reduced to oblivion.
The PDP’s sudden loss of prominence will definitely instigate a flurry of realignments and defections into the new ruling party.
The losses will be asphyxiating no doubt, but the PDP’s continued survival and robustness in Lagos state is crucial for the democracy over there, else the “Center of Excellence” runs the risk of becoming a one-party state where no-one dares question or check the excesses of the ruling party. Four years is not eternity; 2019 is not as far as it seems. There’s enough time between now and then for the party to rediscover itself and mount a greater challenge.

David Mark and Gabriel Suswam:
Not even the combined might of a two-time Senate President and an incumbent governor could stop the APC from snatching a hard-fought victory in Benue state.
The PDP’s latest defeat in Benue didn’t come as a surprise to many this time around, following its shock loss in the state at the presidential polls.
The party’s overall poor showing at the National Assembly elections will almost certainly cost David Mark the presidency of Nigeria’s Upper Legislative Chamber — a position which he has held since 2007 — while Governor Suswam’s running battle with the Benue state civil servants has cost him both a ticket to the 8th Senate and a governorship ticket for his anointed candidate, Terhemen Tarzoor.
What becomes of both men in the Nigerian political arena come the next administration is anyone’s guess.

Nuhu Ribadu:
The revered former anti-corruption boss’ sojourn into the murky waters of politics has so far not been fruitful. He contested and lost the 2011 Presidential elections on the platform of the ACN to the PDP’s Goodluck Jonathan.
In 2014, he controversially defected to the PDP from what had morphed into the APC with hopes of contesting on the platform of the PDP and probably winning the Adamawa state gubernatorial election. However, it was not to be.
He was gifted the opportunity of running for the office, but he was always doomed to fail, following alleged anti-party activities and sabotage by members of his own party.
This culminated in a comprehensive defeat on April 11, where he finished in an embarrassing third place.

Chibuike Amaechi:
His party may have been victorious at the Presidential polls, but it’s been a pyrrhic victory for the APC chieftain.
His failure to “deliver” his state to the All Progressives’ Congress a fortnight ago was partially overlooked and forgiven amidst the euphoria surrounding their triumph at the national level, but April 11’s heavy defeat will not go unnoticed.
The Director-General of the APC Presidential Campaign Council could do little as his party was trounced in a state where he is the governor, at the hands of the his arch rival, the Dame Patience Jonathan-backed Nyesom Wike of the PDP. Amaechi may be an integral part of the incoming APC-led federal government, but back home in the South South, his influence has been significantly whittled down.

Namadi Sambo:
Even his status as the incumbent Vice President and a one-time governor of Kaduna could not ward off a heavy loss for his party in his home state.
Though no-one really expected him to “deliver” the North — or even the North West  — to the PDP, the low-key and ever-smiling Vice President should have brought much more to the table in the March 28 and April 11 elections than he ended up doing.

Adamu Mu’azu:
This has been the People’s Democratic Party’s worst performance since its inception in 1998, prior to Nigeria’s return to civilian rule. Every organization has a leader whose responsibilities are to manage its affairs and accept culpability for the outcomes of his managerial decisions and tactics, especially when they are negative.
In this instance, Mu’azu (branded the “Game Changer” by his PDP colleagues) must shoulder the blames for his party’s disastrous outing in the just-concluded polls, though it was not entirely of his own making. Under his watch, the PDP lost several states where it was once dominant, including Plateau, Niger, Adamawa, Benue, Katsina and Kaduna (Abia will also likely be lost to APGA),  and it put up a limp performance in Opposition-controlled states where it was expected to do much better, including Oyo, Ogun, Nasarawa, Kano, Kwara, Sokoto, Lagos and Bauchi, his home state. Considering the amount of resources that was poured into the 2015 general elections by the PDP, the end product has been nothing short of disastrous.

Goodluck Ebele Jonathan:
He’s, without a doubt, the biggest loser here, yet the manner in which he quickly conceded defeat and saved the country another round of senseless bloodshed has made him victorious in defeat.
His political miscalculations, faux pas, misguided appointments and perceived leniency towards corruption all conspired to make him the first incumbent Nigerian Head of State to lose a presidential election.
That notwithstanding, His Excellency deserves our dispassionate commendation for overseeing one of the most peaceful and successful elections in Nigeria’s history, even in the face of intense pressure to manipulate the process.

Carlhz Chinedu is a sociopolitical commentator and a social justice activist.


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Kaspersky Warns of “Grey” Scam Websites Exploiting User Trust

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Recent research by Kaspersky has shown that the so-called “grey” websites repeatedly target all world regions, and this may be driving both financial loss and large-scale data harvesting.

Grey websites are deceptive online platforms that fall outside traditional phishing definitions but still manipulate users into voluntarily handing over money and personal data. Kaspersky’s new report provides detailed insights into the threats posed by the grey websites on global and regional levels.

Unlike classic phishing attacks, which aim to steal credentials outright, grey websites rely on persuasion, misleading interfaces, and hidden terms to exploit users. They often impersonate legitimate services such as e-commerce platforms, financial tools, AI services, or subscription-based content, making them significantly harder to detect.

Kaspersky analysis shows that the majority of suspicious resources globally fall into several recurring categories:

  • Fake browser extensions and “security tools” that actually harvest browsing data and track user activity.
  • Fraudulent financial platforms including crypto exchanges, trading tools, and investment schemes promising unrealistic returns.
  • Intermediary services (e.g., legal or real estate), charging for low-value or nonexistent services while harvesting sensitive personal data.
  • Subscription traps offering low-cost trials that convert into costly recurring payments hidden in fine print.
  • Fake online shops that either deliver counterfeit goods or nothing at all.

Example of a grey website.

A notable trend is the emergence of tools disguised as AI services or image-processing platforms, reflecting attackers’ ability to adapt to current digital trends and target younger audiences.

There are proven security solutions that help users to detect grey websites across different types of devices – those running on Windows, Linux, Android and iOS. The detection model is based on many factors, including domain name and age, IP reputation, stability of the infrastructure used, DNS configurations, HTTP security headers, digital identity and popularity of the web resource and other criteria.

Regional specifics

Regional variations in grey websites demonstrate how threat actors localise scams based on user behaviour and trending technologies.

In Europe, the threat landscape is dominated by links to suspicious browser extensions and fake “privacy-enhancing” tools.

These resources often present themselves as security solutions, promising safer browsing or anonymous search capabilities. In reality, they function as browser hijackers – intercepting traffic, collecting cookies, tracking user behaviour, and injecting advertisements.

The popularity of these threats reflects a high level of user concern around privacy and security, which attackers actively exploit. Additionally, these regions show a steady presence of phishing intermediaries and crypto-related scams, indicating a blend of technical and financially motivated attacks.

Across African markets, financial scams are the most prominent category of suspicious resources. Fraudulent trading platforms, fake brokers, and investment schemes frequently mimic legitimate financial services, often accompanied by fabricated licenses or endorsements.

These platforms typically prevent users from withdrawing funds, instead introducing additional “fees” or taxes to prolong the scam. The concentration of these threats highlights how attackers leverage growing interest in online investing while exploiting gaps in regulatory enforcement and financial literacy.

In the Middle East and North Africa region, suspicious resources frequently mimic communication (Internet telephony) tools, financial platforms, or betting services. Additionally, Ponzi-style investment schemes and crypto scams are widespread, often presented through polished interfaces that mimic legitimate platforms.

Web browser-based threats also play a significant role, with malicious extensions targeting user data and browsing activity. The regional threat profile reflects a convergence of financial fraud and technical compromise, where users risk both data exposure and monetary loss.

“Suspicious websites don’t look harmful at first glance. But they exploit trust, urgency, and familiarity, and a single click on what looks like a harmless AI image tool, a “secure” browser extension, or a heavily discounted online shop could be all it takes to lose money or expose sensitive data.

Instead of direct credential theft, attackers turn to behavioural manipulation – whether that’s subscribing, investing, or installing software,” comments Anna Larkina, Web Content and Privacy Analysis Expert at Kaspersky.

 


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MSMEs Paucity of Funds Receives Boost as Senate Backs Bill Seeking to Unlock Cash for them

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Businesses across Nigeria, particularly micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs), may soon be able to convert unpaid invoices and credit sales into immediate cash without relying on conventional bank loans following the passage of the Factoring, Assignments and Receivables Financing Bill for second reading in the Senate.

The bill, which seeks to establish a legal framework for factoring and receivables financing, is expected to improve access to credit, boost liquidity for businesses and enhance domestic and international trade.

It also seeks to provide legal certainty for the assignment of receivables through factoring, promote transparency, modernise assignment laws and facilitate greater access to credit for businesses across the country.

Leading debate on the bill which was sent from the House of Representatives for concurrence, Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele said on Tuesday that the proposed legislation would create an enabling environment for debt factoring to thrive in Nigeria while defining the rights and obligations of creditors, factors and debtors involved in such transactions.

He explained that the bill provides for factoring contracts between sellers and factors and clarifies the legal relationship among parties in receivables financing arrangements.

According to Bamidele, the legislation has already passed all legislative stages in the House of Representatives and has complied with the Senate’s procedural requirements under Order 78(3) of the Senate Standing Orders.

He told lawmakers that the Senate Ad Hoc Committee on Compliance, chaired by Abdul Ningi, had scrutinised and cleared the bill for concurrence.

“The committee confirmed that all procedural requirements for consideration and concurrence by the Senate have been fully met,” he said.

Seconding the bill, Adetokunbo Abiru said the legislation would provide businesses with an alternative source of financing by enabling them to turn credit sales into cash and improve their working capital.

Abiru noted that factoring has become increasingly popular across Africa over the last decade, largely through initiatives supported by the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank).

He disclosed that the African factoring market is currently valued at over $50 billion, but Nigeria’s participation remains below one per cent.

According to him, countries such as Egypt and Morocco have benefited significantly from the financing model, adding that Nigeria risks missing out on the growing market without a clear regulatory framework.

“I think that passing this major legislation will help support our micro, small and medium enterprises in terms of converting most of their credit sales into cash without going through the normal borrowing arrangement,” Abiru said.

In his remarks, Ningi also assured lawmakers that the compliance committee had reviewed the bill and found no legal impediments to its passage.

Following a voice vote, the Senate approved the bill for second reading and subsequently referred it to the Committee of the Whole for clause-by-clause consideration.

 


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IMF Warns Nigeria of Risks in $5Bn Swap Deal with ‌First Abu Dhabi Bank

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The IMF on Tuesday warned of risks surrounding Nigeria’s plan to borrow up to $5 billion through a derivatives agreement with ‌First Abu Dhabi Bank, saying such transactions are often opaque and complex.

IMF Warns Nigeria of Risks in $5Bn Swap Deal with ‌First Abu Dhabi Bank

Recall that the Senate in April gave its approval to the agreement, joining other Africa borrowers like Senegal and Angola who have tapped similar arrangements over the past year.

“Our view is that the transaction in these types of structures carry risks. Usually they are opaque so the terms are not always very transparent when we reviewed these instruments ​across countries,” Christian Ebeke, IMF resident representative in Nigeria, told reporters.

Ebeke said Nigeria could instead issue eurobonds to finance its deficits or other means to raise funding, including on concessional terms.

Nigeria intends to use proceeds from the total return swap, or TRS, to refinance expensive debt and pay for infrastructure.

In its latest Article IV review, the Fund praised Nigeria’s sweeping reforms, saying they had strengthened economic stability and investor confidence, but warned that the benefits had ‌yet to reach millions of citizens and could be undermined by global shocks, including the Middle East conflict.

The reforms since 2023 under President Bola Tinubu – including fuel subsidy removal, tighter monetary policy and exchange rate liberalisation – had rebuilt buffers and improved macroeconomic management, the IMF said.

However, it cautioned that the reforms were also contributing to social strain, with poverty levels at 63% and millions facing food insecurity, underscoring a widening gap between macro gains and household realities.

The IMF said improved policy credibility and forex reforms had helped Nigeria regain access to international capital markets and attract portfolio inflows, while reducing risk premiums. The central bank says gross reserves are at $50 billion, the highest in 17 years.

But reliance on volatile foreign portfolio investment poses rollover risks, the IMF said, urging a shift towards more stable, long-term capital such as foreign direct investment.


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