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N1.17Bn Fine Tears Telecom Industry Apart

The recent N1.17 billion sledge hammer on the four major mobile operators in the country for allegedly failing in their key performance indicators has thrown up a varied assortment of issues ranging from the mundane to the call by hitherto unknown group for the probe of subsidy regime in the industry, Nigeria CommunicationsWeek can now report.
As the opinion on the fines swung left and right, the Nigeria Communications Commission (NCC), at the weekend descended harder on the operators with additional N2.5 million daily fines each on the telcos for their continued failure to pay up their earlier sanctions.
NCC said it was going ahead with the sanction and the additional daily fines for default on the operators after the telcos failed to put up convincing case for their inabilities to provide quality of service to Nigerians.
But in a twist, Telecommunications Customers Association (TeCA), a hitherto unheard of group, has called on the national assembly to probe subsidies in the telecom sector.
Elsewhere, the National Association of Telecommunications Subscribers of Nigeria (Natcomms), an organized consumer advocacy group, said that the fines should be paid to subscribers as they are the ones suffering from the poor quality of service.
In its reaction, Nigeria Internet Group (NIG) said the fine is a waste of time as the money imposed as sanctions could be realized by operators in a matter of minutes.
Association of Licensed Telecommunications Operators of Nigeria (Alton), the body responsible for all telecommunications companies and those providing subsidiary services to telecommunications service providers in Nigeria, said that the NCC’s sanction came as a surprise to it.
Alton, said that the regulator was yet to address various challenges militating against the progress of the sector.
Nigeria CommunicationsWeek gathered that the matter came to a head after the NCC fined the four mobile operators N1.17 billion for poor quality of service.
MTN Nigeria and Etisalat were fined N360 million each while Airtel Nigeria and Glo Mobile were asked to pay N270 million and N180 million respectively.
As the NCC stuck to their guns, the operators pleaded for understanding but after a meeting failed to find a way out between them, the apex regulatory body invoked additional N2.5 million daily fines for default on the telcos.
NCC also said that it may withhold regulatory services to the affected operators including issuance of new numbers or entertaining any requests from them.
Nigeria CommunicationsWeek gathered that the skirmish between the regulator and the operators is drawing commentaries from different quarters.
Kennet Obinwa and Rasheed Umar, president and secretary respectively of TeCA last week took paid advertorials in major newspapers titled: ‘Pay Customers, Not NCC’ petitioned the NCC to direct GSM companies to refund customers their money within the next five days at the end of which it will approach the courts for the enforcement of its rights.
The group asked “what has NCC lost that it should demand our money should be paid to it? Does NCC have a way of giving us the money or do they want to pay it into Nigeria’s coffers for politicians to steal? NCC is one of the richest government agencies in Nigeria. NCC collects annual operating levy from all telecommunications service providers and this runs into billions every year; what are they doing with it apart from paying themselves fat salaries and allowances?,”
Also, Bayo Banjo, president of Nigeria Internet Group (NIG) said the fine is a waste of time as the money imposed as sanctions could be realized by operators in a matter of minutes.
“If NCC must impose fines, it must be vested with similar powers as the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to punish any erring operator. The NCC should allow the operators keep the money and invest it in stolen generators and other infrastructure to improve quality of service.”
Deolu Okubanjo, national president, National Association of Telecommunications Subscribers (Natcomms), told Nigeria CommunicationsWeek that the fines should be paid to subscribers as they are the ones suffering from the poor quality of service and sees no reason operators should pay the fines to NCC.
“We held a national meeting and concluded that subscribers should be compensated. Operators should compensate subscribers and not government as the NCC represents the government because we are being shortchanged,” said Okubanjo who is widely known in the telecom sector.
Okubanjo however called on mobile operators’ umbrella body, the Association of Licensed Telecom Operators of Nigeria to sort out the issues with NCC to avoid escalation.
But Alton said that the NCC’s sanction came as a surprise to it, stressing that the regulator was yet to address various challenges mitigating against the progress of the sector.
Gbenga Adebayo, chairman of the group, bemoaned the situation, adding that the basis for the fine did not reflect the problems the sector was facing. He stated that the commission acted against the fact.
The NCC had set up the following KPIs for the operators to meet, 98 per cent Call Setup Success Rate (CSSR), two per cent Call Drop Rate (CDR), 98 per cent HoSR, One per cent Standalone Dedicated Control Channel (SDCCH), 96 per cent Call Completion Rate (CCR) and two per cent Traffic Congestion ratings (TCH CoNG), but according to the regulator, none of the operators met its target within the period of March and April under review.
Nigeria CommunicationsWeek gathered that the affected operators, times without number, had identified poor infrastructure, poor power supply, vandalism and capacity crunch, among others, as being responsible for their poor service delivery in the country.
NCC on its part said these challenges are not new to the Commission adding the issue of Quality of Service (QoS) has been in discussion for six years until finally January this year the QoS guidelines were gazetted; and then there was need for the Commission to apply sanctions to the service providers that did not meet the key performance indicators.
The commission was invoking the provisions in the laws establishing it which requires operators to meet with the minimum standard of quality of service including the key performance indicators, (KPIs) set for them.
On the suggestions that the fines be paid to the subscribers, Tony Ojobo, public affairs director at NCC said that paying to the subscribers “are not only trite but will not serve as deterrent. Our rough calculations showed that sharing the N1.17 billion to 99 million active subscribers in the network, would amount to an average of no more than N10 per subscriber.”
He said that “this suggestion is tantamount to supporting the operators to continue to provide poor quality of service as it would be easier for operators to credit subscribers with this amount than pay penalties for poor services rendered.
Ojobo reasoned that acceding to the TeCA’s demands was capable of derailing the regulatory processes set in place by the commission to achieve acceptable quality of service in the networks within the foreseeable future.
The NCC spokesman said that that prior to the vexatious penalty, the telcos had promised improved services to customer by March 2012 but that did not materialize.
“There was a meeting between the service providers and the Commission where they had made commitments that by March this year we were going to see noticeable improvements in the Quality of service offered; but of course as at March we still didn’t see any noticeable improvement rather we observed very, very, very poor Quality of service on all the networks,” he stated.
Emeka Oparah, vice president, corporate communications at Airtel Nigeria had stated a forthnight ago in a facebook posting that the regulator ought to pay annual subvention to the telcos rather than fine them considering the hazards they undertake in providing service to Nigeria.
“I think its time the operators took off the gloves and engage both NCC and NASS (National Assembly – Nigerian parliament). Let’s talk about QoS. Has anybody asked what’s responsible for the poor QoS? Is it unwillingness by the operators, who actually stand to gain when the network is good? Or some people are shirking their responsibilities and only playing to the gallery? Let’s take Abuja for example: there (is) a law which prevents operators from building base stations in the FCT and so since 2005 operators haven’t gotten approval to build new sites. How can QoS be improved? And both NASS and NCC are based in Abuja!!! At NASS in Asokoro, (Abuja suburb) coverage is atrocious…has anybody asked why? Operators cannot install inbuilding solutions there for ‘security reasons.’ Operators pay NCC 2.5 per cent of their annual revenue as operationg levy fee…what has NCC done with the over $2 Billion it has collected in the past 11 years,” wrote Oparah.
News
National Assembly to Review National Data Protection Act

Sen. Afolabi Salisu, the Chairman, Senate Committee on ICT and Cyber Security, has said efforts were ongoing to review the National Data Protection Act (2023) to meet emerging threats associated with technological advancement.

Salisu disclosed this on Tuesday at the opening of a three-day workshop, on Data Protection Awareness Promotion organised for the Joint National Assembly Committee on ICT by Nigeria Data Protection Commission (NDPC) and Ampersand Development Partners.
He said that since the enactment of the Act in 2023, there have been new developments such as Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the United Nations Convention on Cyber Crimes.
The lawmaker said that there is a nexus between data governance and cyber crimes hence the need to look at the Act and strengthen the handshakes where necessary.
According to him, we need to ensure the security of our country, particularly in the cyber space and our data governance as well as technology advancement like AI.
“As legislators, we need to have knowledge on data privacy and protection for us to be able to effectively legislate in that area.
“You cannot legislate in an area that you are not sufficiently knowledgeable in; this workshop affords us the opportunity to build our capacity to understand modern principles of data protection and to be in position to review the National Data Protection Act
“It has been three years down the line, how has this law addressed the need of the nation, particularly given the emerging technologies and how it compares with other other countries.
“At the end of this exercise, we would be able to come up with a roadmap, a timeline, with a view to review the National Data Protection Act,” he said.
The lawmaker tasked all Nigerians on private data protection saying that it is the duty of all citizens to ensure safety of their data.
He said that many free public WiFi and Apps are not always free as users pay with their data and adverts without knowing it.
Also speaking, the Chairman, House Committee on ICT and Cyber Security, Rep. Stanley Olajide (APC- Oyo) said that data is gold and Nigeria’s next prosperity was not going to be oil but data.
He said that no investor would bring foreign funds or capital into Nigeria, without making sure that the right data protection law is in place, which Nigeria has.
“Whatever data that we have is our sovereign wealth, is something that belongs to us. How do we protect it? We have to make sure that the right legal frameworks are put in place, so that those data, once bridged, you can actually hold entities, corporation, the countries responsible when they’ breach your data law.
“In the U.S., they have their data law; if you put anything in their cloud, is owned by the United States. So we also have to have something here.
“Anything that resides here in Nigeria and is generated here must be home and protected by our country; so we are put in the right laws and framework in place just to do that,” he said.
News
Trapped Between Nigeria’s Failure and South Africa’s Xenophobic Violence

By Blaise Udunze
When the word “xenophobic” is talked about, most affected African countries tend to focus on the pains being experienced by their citizens in South Africa. For a moment, it calls for Nigeria and the rest of the African continent to pause and ask, how did we get here?

Xenophobic Violence
The recent happenings across the streets of Johannesburg, Pretoria, and Durban, a painful pattern continues to unfold with frightening and fearful regularity, as Nigerian-owned businesses are looted, migrants hunted, families displaced, and African nationals reduced to targets of rage. If asked, the majority would chorus that the recurring images of xenophobic violence in South Africa are disturbing enough, and no doubt, yes, but the deeper tragedy is beyond the flames and bloodshed. It lies in the silent failures back home that forced many Nigerians into vulnerable exile in the first place.
The reality, as a matter of fact, is that to understand the suffering of Nigerians in South Africa, one must first confront the uncomfortable truth that xenophobia is not merely a South African problem. It is also a Nigerian governance problem exported abroad.
Nigeria, often celebrated as the “Giant of Africa,” has now become the “Mama Africa” who has failed to nurture her many children, with the fact that behind every Nigerian fleeing hardship for survival, known as the “japa” syndrome, in another African country is a story shaped by economic frustration, failed institutions, poor leadership, unemployment, and a financial system disconnected from the realities of ordinary citizens.
One apt way to confirm these inimical factors, the South African president, Cyril Ramaphosa, recently acknowledged this uncomfortable reality when he urged African leaders to address the domestic failures driving mass migration across the continent. Speaking amid renewed anti-foreigner tensions, Ramaphosa identified “misgovernance” as one of the factors forcing Africans to seek refuge in countries like South Africa. Of a truth, his comments may have generated debate, and some “patriotic Nigerians” may also want to prove him wrong, but they reflected a painful reality many African governments would rather avoid.
Nigeria, despite its vast human and natural resources, has increasingly become a country where millions no longer see a future at home. This is a critical irony and the height of it all because a nation blessed with oil wealth and entrepreneurial energy and one of the youngest populations in the world is yet burdened by systemic corruption, policy inconsistency, infrastructural collapse, and a leadership class that has often prioritised politics over productivity, especially with the imminence of an election.
It is so detestable and at the same time fearful that the result is a generation of young Nigerians trapped between hopelessness and migration.
One regrettable experience that has continued to haunt the country for decades, is that successive governments have squandered opportunities that could have transformed Nigeria into an industrial and economic powerhouse. Public resources that should have been invested in power, roads, healthcare, manufacturing, education and enterprise development have either disappeared into private pockets or become trapped in wasteful bureaucratic structures.
Reports indicating that over $214 billion in public funds may have been lost, diverted, or trapped in opaque fiscal systems over the last decade capture the scale of Nigeria’s accountability crisis. Whether exact or conservative, such figures reveal a country losing resources or funds rapidly from severe bleeding that could have changed millions of lives.
Looking intently at these developments, one would know that the tragedy is not merely corruption itself but the opportunities corruption destroyed.
Come to think of this fact that with proper governance and strategic economic planning, Nigeria could have developed a thriving SME ecosystem capable of employing millions of citizens. Instead, unemployment and underemployment have become defining realities of national life. The World Economic Forum recently identified unemployment and lack of economic opportunity as Nigeria’s greatest economic threat, yet the country continues to struggle with coherent employment data and long-term economic direction.
This economic suffocation explains why migration has become less of a choice and more of a survival strategy for many Nigerians.
At the centre of this crisis is another troubling contradiction, which is that Nigeria’s banking sector appears increasingly profitable while the real economy continues to deteriorate.
Ordinarily, banks in developing economies are expected to function as engines of growth by financing productive sectors, supporting innovation, and empowering small businesses. Across the world, SMEs are recognised as the backbone of grassroots economic development, and the tangible result is that they create jobs, stimulate local production, and expand economic participation.
In Nigeria, SMEs account for over 70 per cent of registered businesses, contribute nearly half of the country’s GDP and generate between 84 to 90 per cent of employment. Yet, despite their enormous economic importance, SMEs receive barely between 0.5 per cent and one per cent of total commercial bank lending.
This is not just a policy failure; it is an economic tragedy. Rather than financing entrepreneurs and productive enterprises, Nigerian banks have increasingly found comfort in investing heavily in government treasury securities. In 2025 alone, major Nigerian banks reportedly generated N6.68 trillion from total investment securities and treasury bills, benefiting from high-yield government debt instruments instead of supporting businesses capable of creating jobs.
The banking sector’s recapitalisation exercise, which successfully raised N4.56 trillion, was celebrated as a regulatory achievement. But the critical question remains. The recapitalisation is for what purpose?
If stronger banks continue to avoid the productive economy while SMEs remain starved of affordable credit, recapitalisation merely strengthens financial institutions without strengthening national development.
Today, private sector credit in Nigeria remains significantly low compared to many African economies. High interest rates, excessive collateral demands, weak credit infrastructure and risk-averse banking practices have created an environment where small businesses struggle to survive, and these implications are devastating.
Every denied SME loan is a denied employment opportunity. Every failed business is another frustrated entrepreneur. Every frustrated entrepreneur is another Nigerian considering migration.
This is how economic dysfunction transforms into human displacement. In a situation like this, it is noteworthy to state that South Africa naturally becomes an attractive destination because of its relatively advanced infrastructure and larger economy. Today, this has informed Nigerians and other African countries alike to migrate there, not because they hate their country but because they are searching for dignity through work and enterprise.
Yet, in a cruel twist, many become targets of xenophobic violence. Foreign nationals are accused of “taking jobs,” dominating businesses, and contributing to crime. Shops are attacked. Businesses are burned. Lives are lost.
It is not a surprise anymore that the disturbing rhetoric surrounding xenophobia has become increasingly normalised and perceived as fighting against saboteurs. Another major concern is that social media posts celebrating violence against Nigerians reveal a frightening and fearful dehumanisation of fellow Africans. This has continued to be heralded unaddressed, as some extremist anti-migrant groups now openly mobilise hostility against foreign nationals under the guise of economic nationalism.
Yet, as opposition leader Julius Malema rightly asked during one of the recent xenophobic debates. “After attacking foreigners and shutting down their businesses, how many jobs have actually been created?” If you are smart enough to know, it is glaring that this is a question that cuts through the emotional manipulation surrounding xenophobia, which also reflects the fact that destroying a Nigerian-owned shop does not solve unemployment, nor does killing migrants create prosperity. Violence against fellow Africans does not fix structural inequality.
Malema’s argument was blunt but accurate in revealing that xenophobia is not an economic strategy. It must be perceived with the right perspective as the symptom of deeper failures, poverty, inequality, weak governance, and political frustration.
Historically, just like other colonised African countries, South Africa itself carries deep old wounds. The legacy of apartheid left enduring economic inequalities, spatial segregation, unemployment, and psychological scars, but this should not continue to shape social tensions today. What is of concern is that the same people, like other African countries, experienced, were expected to remain forward-looking and forge ahead rather than dwell in the past.
It is even more pathetic that decades after the fall of apartheid, millions of Black South Africans remain trapped in poverty and exclusion; perhaps they are not to be blamed for their failures as they claimed, but the foreigners who didn’t stop them from exerting their skills become the scapegoats.
That frustration often seeks an outlet, and immigrants become easy scapegoats. This, however, does not excuse the brutality.
The stories emerging from xenophobic attacks are horrifying and very dastardly and humiliating, as African migrants have reportedly been beaten, burned alive, stoned, and hunted in communities where they once sought refuge, as two Nigerian citizens were said to have been beaten and burnt to death. To say the least, the pain becomes even more ironic when viewed against history.
Because Nigeria played a major role in supporting South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle, ranging from financial assistance to diplomatic pressure, scholarships, activism, and cultural solidarity, Nigerians stood firmly with Black South Africans during some of apartheid’s darkest years, which was enough to prevent such ugly events. Nigeria did so much to the point that Nigerian students contributed financially to anti-apartheid campaigns. Nigerian musicians used music to mobilise continental resistance. Successive governments invested enormous diplomatic and material resources into the liberation struggle.
The children and grandchildren of those who made such sacrifices are now among those facing hostility in South Africa today.
History makes the tragedy even heavier. Yet, Nigeria must also confront its own failures honestly. The truth is, if Nigeria had invested half the energy it spent supporting external liberation struggles into building a functional domestic economy, perhaps millions of Nigerians would not be fleeing abroad in search of economic survival today.
The painful reality is that many Nigerians abroad are not economic adventurers; they are economic exiles.
The ugliest side of it all is that they are exiled by unemployment, exiled by corruption, and exiled by policy failures. Again, they are exiled by a system that has repeatedly failed to convert national wealth into shared prosperity but into embezzlement that still finds its resting place in a foreign account.
This is why solving xenophobia requires more than diplomatic protests or emotional outrage as exuded in the National Assembly by some members like Adams Oshiomhole and others. This calls for the political actors and those in the financial space to fix the conditions that force Nigerians into vulnerable migration in the first place.
One undeniable fact is that, as a country, Nigeria must fundamentally rethink governance and economic management as it takes into consideration the following solutions.
First, public accountability must become non-negotiable and should not be compromised anywhere. Corruption and resource mismanagement are critical and have robbed generations of opportunities, and these are the major traits fueling the exile. Infrastructure, industrial development, education, and healthcare must become genuine priorities rather than campaign slogans, as all these must become a reality, not a feeble promise.
Second, the banking sector must reconnect with the real economy. Financial institutions cannot continue generating enormous profits from government securities while productive sectors collapse. The government should hold a roundtable discussion with banks, which must be incentivized and, where necessary, compelled to increase lending to SMEs and productive industries capable of generating employment.
Third, there must be deliberate and conscious investment in skills, innovation, and entrepreneurship. Young Nigerians should not have to leave their homeland merely to survive because it is an aberration for a country that is enormously rich but still has some of its best hands eloping from the country.
Finally, African governments must reject the politics of division and scapegoating. This contradiction is at its height because Africa cannot claim to pursue continental unity while Africans are hunted in other African countries.
In all of the deliberation, the truth remains the same, in the sense that the story of Nigerians suffering xenophobic violence in South Africa is ultimately a story about failed systems on both sides, one on the side of economic failures pushing migrants out and the social failures turning migrants into enemies.
Until these structural realities are confronted with honesty and urgency, the cycle will continue. More young Nigerians will leave. More migrants will become vulnerable. More African societies will turn inward against each other.
But this trajectory is not irreversible. One gift that can’t be taken away from Nigerians is that Nigeria still possesses the talent, entrepreneurial energy, and human capital necessary to build a prosperous economy that gives its citizens reasons to stay rather than flee. The truth is that what has been lacking is not potential but responsible leadership and economic vision.
The true solution to xenophobia may therefore begin far away from the streets of Johannesburg or Durban. It may begin in Abuja, with governance that works, institutions that serve, banks that invest in people, and leadership that finally understands that national dignity is measured not by speeches but by whether citizens can build meaningful lives at home.
Until then, the “japa” flag will keep flying, as many Nigerians will remain exiled, not merely by borders, but by the failures of the country they still desperately want to believe in.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
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Dr. Olusola Teniola, Honoured with Yoruba Study Group Golden Leadership Excellence Award

ipNX Director, Dr. Olusola Teniola, has been awarded the prestigious Golden Leadership Excellence Award by the Yoruba Study Group. Dr Teniola, who leads Strategic Business Initiatives (SBI) at ipNX, the leading Nigerian technology and telecommunications company, was conferred with this award at the ipNX Corporate Headquarters, Victoria Island, Lagos.

Dr. Teniola was recognised as an Icon of Excellence & Most Outstanding Administrator of the Year 2025/2026 for his remarkable contributions to the advancement of Nigeria’s telecommunications industry, as well as his unwavering commitment to making data more affordable and accessible to millions of Nigerians.
The award celebrates his embodiment of the revered Omoluabi ethos of Yorubaland, defined by integrity, diligence, excellence, and strong character. His leadership and impact have been particularly notable through his work with the Association of Telecommunications Companies of Nigeria (ATCON) and the Alliance for Affordable Internet, where he has played a pivotal role in shaping policies and initiatives that drive digital inclusion and connectivity across Nigeria.
In its citation, the Yoruba Study Group commended Dr. Teniola for his “exemplary contributions to the advancement and management of telecommunications in Nigeria, his unquantifiable efforts in ensuring affordable data for the teeming masses, and his outstanding record of quality service delivery.”
Reacting to the recognition, Dr. Teniola said “I am deeply honoured to receive this award from the Yoruba Study Group. This recognition is not just a personal milestone, but a reflection of the collective efforts of industry stakeholders committed to advancing Nigeria’s digital future. I remain dedicated to driving initiatives that promote affordable access to connectivity, foster innovation, and empower more Nigerians to participate meaningfully in the digital economy, while upholding the values of integrity, excellence, and service.”
The Yoruba Study Group, a socio-political organisation founded in 2019, is dedicated to promoting Yoruba traditions, values, and cultural heritage. ipNX described the award as a testament to Dr. Teniola’s enduring impact on both the technology sector and society at large.
“Dr. Teniola exemplifies the highest standards of leadership, innovation, and service. His contributions continue to strengthen Nigeria’s digital economy while reflecting the values of excellence and integrity that we uphold at ipNX,” said Mobolaji Caxton-Martins, Head Marketing and Corporate Communications, ipNX Nigeria.
This recognition not only highlights Dr. Teniola’s professional achievements but also underscores his commitment to fostering inclusive growth, strengthening industry collaboration, and advancing Nigeria’s position in the global digital landscape.
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