General News
The Economist Says President GEJ is “Bad luck for Nigeria”

The Economist, influential United Kingdom-based magazine, has returned a damning indictment on President Goodluck Jonathan and said his “discredited ruling party faces its greatest electoral test yet”.
This is coming on the heels of the endorsement of Muhammadu Buhari, presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), for the February 14 election by The Economist.
The newspaper said it was endorsing Buhari because a “former dictator is a better choice than a failed president”.
Although the newspaper does not have much influence on the majority of Nigerians, its views are highly respected among Western leaders.
In the latest report, the newspaper tore President Jonathan apart and poured every invective available to describe his incompetence.
Below is the text of the report: http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21642236-discredited-ruling-party-faces-its-greatest-electoral-test-yet-bad-luck
A three car convoy is considered modest for leading Nigerian politicians, and modesty appeals to Muhammadu Buhari, the leading opposition candidate in the presidential election due to be held on February 14th.
From his rented house made of simple concrete with few windows, his cars drive into a busy street and are almost immediately stuck in traffic.
Without the armed outriders and flashing lights that ease the passage of officials in the ruling party he inches his way to the airport in Abuja, the capital, his aides glancing around nervously.
The aura of power catches up at the terminal building as he prepares to start the day’s campaigning. Courtiers, jobseekers and hangers-on in colourful garb and headgear rush in.
Shyly he shakes hands. Mr Buhari, a 72-year-old retired general who ruled Nigeria for 20 months in the mid-1980s (and then spent 40 months in detention), may be on the verge of triggering the first democratic change of power in the country’s modern history.
Polling and observers suggest the race between him and the incumbent, Goodluck Jonathan (pictured) is too close to call, with each commanding about 42% of the vote.
Ever since 1999, when the army relinquished power, Nigeria has been ruled by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), a sophisticated political machine greased by billions of dollars’ worth of oil money. Yet less cash is available these days.
A sharp decline in the oil price has coincided, unluckily for Mr Jonathan, with the election. Government revenues have halved in recent months and the currency has tumbled by a quarter. Civil servants are paid late, if at all. Infrastructure projects have stalled.
But the government’s biggest liabilities are the result of its own greed. Officials have never been shy about dipping into public troughs but the present lot is, by common consent, especially avaricious.
Last year the governor of the central bank said that $20 billion had gone missing. He was sacked for his trouble.
A report into his allegations is now on Mr Jonathan’s desk. Rampant theft has not only harmed the economy and exacerbated poverty but it has also contributed to public insecurity.
With corruption endemic even in the army, soldiers are sent to the front line short of ammunition and rations.
Demoralised and poorly led, they have failed to quell a jihadist insurgency in the north-east that has killed thousands.
Almost a year ago militants from Boko Haram, a jihadist group that claims to have established a “caliphate” over a chunk of the country, kidnapped more than 250 girls from the town of Chibok.
The government barely stirred until it was goaded into action by an international outcry.
With much of the north-east in flames—around 1.5m people have been forced to flee their homes—many voters believe Nigeria’s situation today is worse than at any time since the civil war in the late 1960s.
To be sure, large parts of the country remain secure and the economy has boomed in recent years, but insecurity is spilling southward. Left unchecked, the insurgency could tear Nigeria apart.
At rallies, Mr Jonathan encounters unenthusiastic supporters; many are paid to turn up and so leave before his speech ends.
Chairs are provided, perhaps to make the crowd seem larger. At a rally in Yola in late January they were thrown at him. Elsewhere his convoy has been stoned. Some election billboards are guarded by soldiers, giving rise to calls that the men should fight Boko Haram instead.
The candidates, and their parties, exhibit few ideological differences. The election revolves around questions of honesty and competence as well as ethnic and religious identity—unsurprisingly, given Nigeria’s diversity, with 500 languages spoken among its almost 200m people. Mr Jonathan is a Christian from the south whereas Mr Buhari is a northern Muslim.
The key to victory for either candidate may lie partly in whether people vote along religious lines. To win, Mr Buhari must convince Christian voters, predominantly in the south, that being Muslim is not synonymous with Islamism.
The atmosphere at Buhari rallies—even those held away from his northern heartland—suggest that momentum is on his side. Many attendees are euphoric with optimism that he can fix the country.
They also hope that, as a former military man, he knows “how to make soldiers fight, not run away.” He has some form.
Under his command in the early 1980s the Nigerian army drove out Chadian rebels from areas now held by Boko Haram (and which, ironically, are now being contested by Chadian soldiers who have been sent to assist Nigeria).
They also look at his record in fighting corruption. When he was head of state he, rather unusually for the office, kept his fingers out of the till.
He locked up hundreds during an anti-corruption campaign and launched a “war against indiscipline” in which he got whip-wielding soldiers to enforce orderly queuing. Civil servants who arrived at work late were forced to perform “frog jump” squats.
Yet, during this period thousands of political opponents were detained without trial, political meetings were banned and the press was tightly controlled. Hundreds of people were tried before secret military tribunals and many were executed for crimes that were not capital offences when they were committed.
Eager to play up his past the PDP has been publishing photos of him in military uniform with the headline, “Once a dictator, always a dictator”.
Activists and foreign diplomats are unworried by his past. His running mate, Yemi Osinbajo, is a lawyer and pastor with a strong record of championing human rights. Mr Buhari, for his part, told The Economist: “We have to stick to the constitution of the country. Once upon a time I was a military man. But I do not want to militarise democracy.”
If anything, Mr Buhari’s biggest flaw is the opposite of what the PDP alleges. He has never been a forceful character; he can be Reaganesque in his inclination to set the tone and direction of policy but leave the details to others.
His party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), is the product of a recent merger of the four main opposition groups. Ruling-party bigwigs dismiss it as a “party of candidates” squabbling for power.
Attempts to form a united opposition party at previous elections failed because the leaders could not agree on a joint candidate. This time they did, holding a credible primary before choosing Mr Buhari.
The APC has, moreover, already shown it can govern competently. It runs the two most populous urban areas, Kano and Lagos, and almost half the federal states. Supporters on both sides have threatened to protest violently against a loss.
Tempers will probably also flare if there are widespread irregularities in the conduct of the vote (see article).
Some fear a Buhari victory could lead to an eruption of violence in the Niger Delta, the home region of Mr Jonathan, where the government has bought a precarious peace by paying off former militants. A victory for Mr Jonathan could, meanwhile, spark unrest in the north.
The vote in 2011 was judged one of the country’s fairest, and yet almost a thousand people died in communal fighting.
This election could mark a permanent shift in Nigerian politics away from one-party rule. The powerful used to crowd around one big trough, awaiting their turn. Now they must choose between two troughs. That makes for potentially nastier politics. But if Nigeria can hold together, there is a hope of better government.
General News
NCDC Predicts Cholera Outbreak in 10 States as Heavy Rains Loom

Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC) has warned of an imminent cholera outbreak in 10 states following forecasts of heavy rainfall and possible flooding across parts of the country.

The agency said flood predictions issued by the Federal Ministry of Environment and the Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet) indicated that parts of Adamawa, Enugu, Kaduna, Kogi, Niger, Osun, Oyo, Plateau, Taraba and Kwara states may experience heavy rainfall and flooding between April 13 and 17, 2026.
In a public health advisory signed by Dr Jide Idris, director-general, the NCDC noted that the alert was coming at a critical time as Nigeria enters the seasonal period when cholera cases typically begin to rise.
The agency explained that recent national surveillance data already showed increasing cholera activity in multiple states, warning that flooding could rapidly worsen the situation through contamination of drinking water sources and disruption of sanitation systems.
According to the NCDC, flooding during this period may increase the risk of cholera and other diarrhoeal diseases, malaria and other mosquito-borne infections, as well as illnesses linked to contact with contaminated floodwater.
It also warned of possible injuries, including drowning and snakebites, as well as disruption of access to healthcare services in affected areas.
The agency stressed that the risks were preventable with early action, urging residents in at-risk communities to use only safe water for drinking and cooking by boiling, chlorinating or using bottled water.
It also advised regular handwashing with soap and clean water, avoiding contact with floodwater, and maintaining proper sanitation including safe disposal of waste and avoiding open defecation.
The NCDC further urged Nigerians to store and handle food safely to prevent contamination, sleep under insecticide-treated nets to reduce mosquito bites, and seek immediate medical attention if they experience diarrhoea, vomiting, fever or any symptoms of illness.
The agency said community leaders and local authorities must support sanitation activities and drainage clearance, promote hygiene practices and access to safe water, encourage early reporting of suspected illness, and ensure accurate public health information is widely shared.
On its part, the NCDC said it was working closely with State Ministries of Health and relevant partners to strengthen surveillance, enhance preparedness and support rapid response efforts in affected states.
It added that state governments were being supported to activate multisectoral response mechanisms, especially in water, sanitation and emergency management.
The agency maintained that early action, community vigilance and prompt care-seeking could prevent outbreaks and save lives.
General News
Building Systems that Outlive Founders

By Bidemi Oke
There is a quiet misconception in many growing companies that vision alone is enough to sustain momentum. Founders are often the engine because they are decisive, driven and deeply involved. But what happens when the engine steps back?

That question is where real companies are separated from fragile ones. Building something that outlives a founder is not about removing their influence; rather, it is about translating that influence into systems, repeatable, observable and transferable structures that do not rely on constant presence. Without this, growth becomes personality-dependent, and scale becomes inconsistent.
At the early stage, founder-led execution works. Decisions are faster, direction is clearer, and there is less friction. But as the company grows, that same model becomes a bottleneck. Every approval, every escalation, every strategic shift begins to orbit one person. The business does not slow down because of external pressure; it slows down because its internal architecture cannot carry its own weight.
Usually, “system” is often misunderstood. It is not just about tools, dashboards or policies. It is about designing how decisions are made, how information flows and how accountability is structured. It is about making sure that the logic behind actions is visible, not assumed.
For example, a strong system answers questions before they become problems. What triggers a decision? Who owns it? What data informs it? What happens if it goes wrong?
When these are unclear, teams default to escalation. When they are clear, teams operate with autonomy.
This is where many founders hesitate. System-building feels like losing control. In reality, it is the only way to extend control without being physically present. It shifts leadership from being reactive to being embedded.
One of the most overlooked aspects of building enduring systems is Documentation.
Now, not as a formality but as a strategic asset. Decisions that are not documented become opinions. Processes that are not documented become inconsistent.
Over time, this creates invisible friction. Teams solve the same problems repeatedly but differently each time.
Documentation, when done well, becomes institutional memory. It ensures that the company remembers even when individuals move on.
Another critical layer is Feedback Loops. Systems should not be static; they must evolve with the business. This requires structured ways to capture what is working, what is failing and what needs refinement. Without feedback loops, systems become outdated. With them, systems become adaptive.
There is also a cultural dimension to it. Systems do not operate in isolation; people execute them. If the culture rewards speed over clarity, systems will be bypassed. If the culture values accountability, systems will be strengthened. The goal is alignment where systems reinforce behaviour and behaviour reinforces systems.
In fast-moving industries, this becomes even more important, take fintech, for instance. The pace of regulatory change, market volatility and user expectations demands consistency under pressure.
Companies that rely solely on founder instinct struggle to keep up, while those that invest in structured decision-making, risk management frameworks, and operational clarity are better positioned to adapt.
This is something we are increasingly seeing in companies like FlashChange, where the focus is not just on growth, but on building operational resilience. The emphasis is shifting from “who is making the decision” to “how decisions are made.” That shift, while subtle, is very powerful. It creates a foundation that can support scale without losing direction.
Ultimately, building systems that outlive founders is about redefining leadership. It is not measured by how many decisions a founder makes, but by how many decisions the organisation can make without them.
The strongest companies are not those where the founder is always present. They are the ones where the founder’s thinking is quietly embedded, shaping actions, guiding priorities and influencing outcomes, even in their absence. That is how legacies are built.
Not through constant control, but through systems that carry intent forward.
Bidemi Oke is the Chief Executive Officer of FlashChange, a fintech platform focused on secure digital asset exchange. He is an entrepreneur and vibrant leader, recognised for driving innovation and redefining access in the financial technology industry.
General News
Martell’s Monumental Journey of Audacity Reaches Abuja

After kicking off in Lagos, Martell’s nationwide campaign, Martell On The Move, has officially arrived in Abuja. The road trip features The Swift Ascendant, a monumental 14 foot art installation that is traveling across the country to connect with people through local art and nightlife.

The installation is a physical tribute to the Swift, Martell’s iconic sigil and a symbol of freedom and constant motion. This bird represents a spirit that never stands still, much like the “Standout Swift”. A Standout Swift is anyone who embodies that same drive, rising above the ordinary to redefine their own path.
The Swift Ascendant is the result of a collaboration with celebrated Nigerian artist Dotun Popoola. What makes this piece truly stand out is its soul: it was built entirely from discarded and scrap metal.
By giving new life to old materials, Popoola and Martell have created a physical reminder that reinvention is a choice. It is a nod to a more conscious kind of luxury, one that finds beauty in what has been left behind and proves that great things can be built sustainably.
The Abuja leg of the journey hit a major milestone on March 21st at Fuego Lifestyle. It wasn’t just another event on the calendar; it was a full immersion into the Martell world. Guests at Fuego experienced the brand’s energy through curated music, signature cocktails, and a vibe that matched the industrial, edgy aesthetic of the sculpture itself.
The event served as the perfect introduction for Abuja’s social scene to see exactly how Martell is blending heritage with a modern, gritty edge. “We brought The Swift Ascendant to Abuja because the city understands ambition, audacity, and what it means to push boundaries,” said Evane Chenuet, Marketing Director at Pernod Ricard Nigeria.
“Working with Dotun Popoola allowed us to create something that feels raw and real, reflecting the House of Martell’s three hundred year legacy of challenging the status quo. Seeing it at Fuego Lifestyle showed that when art and atmosphere align, the experience isn’t just visual, it becomes something people truly feel”.
The campaign is far from over. Martell is now challenging Abuja residents to keep their eyes peeled as the installation moves through the city. If you happen to come across the 14 foot metal swift during your commute or a night out, the brand wants you to be part of the story.
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