General News
The Economist Says President GEJ is “Bad luck for Nigeria”

The Economist, influential United Kingdom-based magazine, has returned a damning indictment on President Goodluck Jonathan and said his “discredited ruling party faces its greatest electoral test yet”.
This is coming on the heels of the endorsement of Muhammadu Buhari, presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), for the February 14 election by The Economist.
The newspaper said it was endorsing Buhari because a “former dictator is a better choice than a failed president”.
Although the newspaper does not have much influence on the majority of Nigerians, its views are highly respected among Western leaders.
In the latest report, the newspaper tore President Jonathan apart and poured every invective available to describe his incompetence.
Below is the text of the report: http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21642236-discredited-ruling-party-faces-its-greatest-electoral-test-yet-bad-luck
A three car convoy is considered modest for leading Nigerian politicians, and modesty appeals to Muhammadu Buhari, the leading opposition candidate in the presidential election due to be held on February 14th.
From his rented house made of simple concrete with few windows, his cars drive into a busy street and are almost immediately stuck in traffic.
Without the armed outriders and flashing lights that ease the passage of officials in the ruling party he inches his way to the airport in Abuja, the capital, his aides glancing around nervously.
The aura of power catches up at the terminal building as he prepares to start the day’s campaigning. Courtiers, jobseekers and hangers-on in colourful garb and headgear rush in.
Shyly he shakes hands. Mr Buhari, a 72-year-old retired general who ruled Nigeria for 20 months in the mid-1980s (and then spent 40 months in detention), may be on the verge of triggering the first democratic change of power in the country’s modern history.
Polling and observers suggest the race between him and the incumbent, Goodluck Jonathan (pictured) is too close to call, with each commanding about 42% of the vote.
Ever since 1999, when the army relinquished power, Nigeria has been ruled by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), a sophisticated political machine greased by billions of dollars’ worth of oil money. Yet less cash is available these days.
A sharp decline in the oil price has coincided, unluckily for Mr Jonathan, with the election. Government revenues have halved in recent months and the currency has tumbled by a quarter. Civil servants are paid late, if at all. Infrastructure projects have stalled.
But the government’s biggest liabilities are the result of its own greed. Officials have never been shy about dipping into public troughs but the present lot is, by common consent, especially avaricious.
Last year the governor of the central bank said that $20 billion had gone missing. He was sacked for his trouble.
A report into his allegations is now on Mr Jonathan’s desk. Rampant theft has not only harmed the economy and exacerbated poverty but it has also contributed to public insecurity.
With corruption endemic even in the army, soldiers are sent to the front line short of ammunition and rations.
Demoralised and poorly led, they have failed to quell a jihadist insurgency in the north-east that has killed thousands.
Almost a year ago militants from Boko Haram, a jihadist group that claims to have established a “caliphate” over a chunk of the country, kidnapped more than 250 girls from the town of Chibok.
The government barely stirred until it was goaded into action by an international outcry.
With much of the north-east in flames—around 1.5m people have been forced to flee their homes—many voters believe Nigeria’s situation today is worse than at any time since the civil war in the late 1960s.
To be sure, large parts of the country remain secure and the economy has boomed in recent years, but insecurity is spilling southward. Left unchecked, the insurgency could tear Nigeria apart.
At rallies, Mr Jonathan encounters unenthusiastic supporters; many are paid to turn up and so leave before his speech ends.
Chairs are provided, perhaps to make the crowd seem larger. At a rally in Yola in late January they were thrown at him. Elsewhere his convoy has been stoned. Some election billboards are guarded by soldiers, giving rise to calls that the men should fight Boko Haram instead.
The candidates, and their parties, exhibit few ideological differences. The election revolves around questions of honesty and competence as well as ethnic and religious identity—unsurprisingly, given Nigeria’s diversity, with 500 languages spoken among its almost 200m people. Mr Jonathan is a Christian from the south whereas Mr Buhari is a northern Muslim.
The key to victory for either candidate may lie partly in whether people vote along religious lines. To win, Mr Buhari must convince Christian voters, predominantly in the south, that being Muslim is not synonymous with Islamism.
The atmosphere at Buhari rallies—even those held away from his northern heartland—suggest that momentum is on his side. Many attendees are euphoric with optimism that he can fix the country.
They also hope that, as a former military man, he knows “how to make soldiers fight, not run away.” He has some form.
Under his command in the early 1980s the Nigerian army drove out Chadian rebels from areas now held by Boko Haram (and which, ironically, are now being contested by Chadian soldiers who have been sent to assist Nigeria).
They also look at his record in fighting corruption. When he was head of state he, rather unusually for the office, kept his fingers out of the till.
He locked up hundreds during an anti-corruption campaign and launched a “war against indiscipline” in which he got whip-wielding soldiers to enforce orderly queuing. Civil servants who arrived at work late were forced to perform “frog jump” squats.
Yet, during this period thousands of political opponents were detained without trial, political meetings were banned and the press was tightly controlled. Hundreds of people were tried before secret military tribunals and many were executed for crimes that were not capital offences when they were committed.
Eager to play up his past the PDP has been publishing photos of him in military uniform with the headline, “Once a dictator, always a dictator”.
Activists and foreign diplomats are unworried by his past. His running mate, Yemi Osinbajo, is a lawyer and pastor with a strong record of championing human rights. Mr Buhari, for his part, told The Economist: “We have to stick to the constitution of the country. Once upon a time I was a military man. But I do not want to militarise democracy.”
If anything, Mr Buhari’s biggest flaw is the opposite of what the PDP alleges. He has never been a forceful character; he can be Reaganesque in his inclination to set the tone and direction of policy but leave the details to others.
His party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), is the product of a recent merger of the four main opposition groups. Ruling-party bigwigs dismiss it as a “party of candidates” squabbling for power.
Attempts to form a united opposition party at previous elections failed because the leaders could not agree on a joint candidate. This time they did, holding a credible primary before choosing Mr Buhari.
The APC has, moreover, already shown it can govern competently. It runs the two most populous urban areas, Kano and Lagos, and almost half the federal states. Supporters on both sides have threatened to protest violently against a loss.
Tempers will probably also flare if there are widespread irregularities in the conduct of the vote (see article).
Some fear a Buhari victory could lead to an eruption of violence in the Niger Delta, the home region of Mr Jonathan, where the government has bought a precarious peace by paying off former militants. A victory for Mr Jonathan could, meanwhile, spark unrest in the north.
The vote in 2011 was judged one of the country’s fairest, and yet almost a thousand people died in communal fighting.
This election could mark a permanent shift in Nigerian politics away from one-party rule. The powerful used to crowd around one big trough, awaiting their turn. Now they must choose between two troughs. That makes for potentially nastier politics. But if Nigeria can hold together, there is a hope of better government.
General News
Court Fines Lafarge Africa N2m for Using Ex-Employee’s Name, Details Online after Dismissal

National Industrial Court of Nigeria in Lagos has ordered Lafarge Africa Plc to pay N2 million in damages to a former employee after finding that the company unlawfully retained and continued using his personal data years after his exit.

In a judgment delivered on February 17, 2026, in Suit No. NICN/LA/60/2022, Justice Ikechi Gerald Nweneka ruled that the cement manufacturer breached the claimant’s right to privacy by listing his name and contact details in official purchase orders long after his employment ended.
Mr. Kehinde Adeniyi Johnson, claimant, had approached the court in February 2022, alleging that although he left the company in November 2019, his name, personal email address and phone number remained attached to Lafarge’s.
He sought multiple declarations and N50 million in general and aggravated damages, arguing that the continued use of his identity amounted to unlawful usage, fraudulent misrepresentation and emotional distress.
According to court filings, Johnson told the court that he kept receiving calls, emails and WhatsApp messages from suppliers and logistics agents regarding consignments intended for Lafarge.
He recounted an incident involving a shipment from India: after being contacted by a dispatcher, he accepted delivery but was denied access to company premises upon arrival.
He later alleged that he was attacked by armed robbers in the aftermath, blaming the exposure created by the company’s continued use of his identity.
Lafarge denied liability, attributing the issue to a system malfunction. The company maintained that it deactivated Johnson’s official email and server access upon his departure and notified relevant suppliers of his disengagement.
It also challenged the court’s jurisdiction, arguing that claims relating to tort and emotional distress fell outside the court’s scope.
In addressing preliminary objections, Justice Nweneka dismissed the company’s challenge to the admissibility of emails and WhatsApp messages tendered as evidence, holding that the communications were not hearsay since they involved the claimant and company representatives.
On jurisdiction, the court held that the dispute stemmed directly from the employment relationship and therefore fell within its competence.
It further clarified that the suit was not brought under the Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules, making it properly instituted before the court.
After reviewing the evidence, the judge found that Lafarge continued to use Johnson’s name and telephone number in purchase orders well after his exit, thereby violating the Nigeria Data Protection Act and Section 37 of the 1999 Constitution, which guarantees the right to privacy.
he court also upheld the claim for intentional infliction of emotional distress, describing the company’s conduct as reckless, particularly after it had been formally notified by the claimant’s solicitors.
However, several other claims including those relating to human dignity, tortious interference, indemnification and aggravated damages were dismissed for lack of proof or improper framing.
In awarding N2 million in damages, the judge cited statutory limits under the data protection law and the principle of proportionality.
The court further directed Lafarge to permanently erase the claimant’s personal data from its servers, applications and procurement systems, and to deactivate any pre-generated codes bearing his name.
General News
WhatsApp Faces Regulatory Obstacles in Africa

Mark Zuckerberg’s tech empire is once again under regulatory pressure in Africa after competition authorities across 21 markets launched a formal probe into changes affecting WhatsApp’s AI ecosystem.

The Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) Competition and Consumer Commission has opened an investigation into Meta Platforms over amendments made in October 2025 to the WhatsApp Business Solution Terms.
At the heart of the probe is whether the updated rules unfairly restrict third-party artificial intelligence providers from accessing the WhatsApp Business API, while preserving full integration for Meta’s own AI tools, including Meta AI.
In a notice issued by the regulator, the commission said it has “reasonable cause to suspect” that Meta may hold a dominant position in the common market and that the changes could “substantially lessen competition” by excluding rival AI service providers from what it described as a crucial digital gateway.
The investigation spans 21 member states, including Kenya, Egypt, Ethiopia, Uganda and Zambia. Stakeholders have been invited to submit feedback before 16 March 2026, with regulators emphasising that the move marks the start of a fact-finding process, not a ruling of wrongdoing.
This is not the first time Meta has faced scrutiny in Kenya and East Africa. Kenyan authorities have previously examined major digital platforms over data protection, misinformation and labour practices. In Nigeria, the data protection regulator fined Meta over privacy violations, underscoring growing African oversight of global tech firms.
Globally, the company is also navigating regulatory headwinds. The European Commission and Italy’s competition authority have reviewed Meta’s AI integrations on WhatsApp amid concerns about potential restrictions on rival chatbot providers. In the United States, Meta has faced antitrust litigation over its broader market dominance.
For Africa’s digital economy, the stakes are high as WhatsApp remains one of the continent’s most widely used platforms for communication, commerce and customer engagement. Across COMESA’s 21 markets, millions of small businesses rely on WhatsApp Business to reach customers, while startups are increasingly building AI-driven services on top of the platform.
If regulators determine that access to WhatsApp’s business interface is being restricted in favour of Meta’s own AI tools, there is genuine concern that it could limit opportunities for African developers and startups seeking to innovate in the fast-evolving AI space.
General News
NITDA, Abia Partner on Enterprise Architecture Reform

In alignment with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s priority areas of economic reform, digital innovation, and improved governance, the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) has reiterated its commitment to supporting sub-national governments in building integrated, data-driven systems that enhance service delivery and drive sustainable growth.

This commitment was reinforced at the Future Enterprise & Data Architecture of Abia State workshop themed “One Citizen, One Identity: Unlocking Data-Driven Governance.” The high-level engagement brought together policymakers, technocrats, and development partners to chart a pathway toward a unified digital public sector anchored on interoperability and citizen-centric governance.
The workshop, organised by the state’s Ministry of Budget and Planning and declared open by Governor Alex Otti, who was represented by the Deputy Governor, Engr Ikechukwu Emetu, focused on strengthening interoperability among Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) to enhance revenue generation and improve service delivery across the state.
Speaking during a panel session titled “Breaking Silos, Building One Government,” the Director General of NITDA, Kashifu Inuwa CCIE, who was represented by the Agency’s Director of Stakeholder Management and Partnership, Dr Aristotle Onumo, emphasised that collaboration remains the cornerstone of successful digital transformation.
“One thing that is very clear is partnership and collaboration. If you want to take advantage of collective intelligence, then partnership is the key. If you want to succeed in building a unified government system, collaboration is the way to go,” he stated.
He stressed that digital transformation is not merely about deploying technology but about transforming people and culture. According to him, resistance to change and entrenched institutional silos can undermine even the most sophisticated technological frameworks if mindset shifts are not prioritised.
“Digital transformation is as much about people as it is about process and technology. If culture resists change, it can undermine strategy at every level. We must move from control to collaboration, and from isolation to integration,” he added.
Highlighting NITDA’s strategic direction, the DG noted that the Agency’s action plan prioritises digital literacy as a foundational pillar for national development. He disclosed that NITDA is targeting 70 per cent digital literacy nationwide through structured interventions, including training 30 million Nigerians across formal and informal sectors using digital learning platforms deployed through community and institutional partnerships.
He further revealed that digital education is being integrated into school curricula at primary, secondary, and tertiary levels, while civil servants across the federal public service are undergoing digital capacity development programmes to enhance institutional efficiency and readiness for interoperable governance systems.
On interoperability, Inuwa described it as “not optional but a necessity” for achieving data integrity, efficiency, and innovation in governance. He explained that NITDA is developing a national interoperability framework and advancing Enterprise Architecture (EA) initiatives across government institutions to ensure seamless data exchange.
“When we talk about interoperability, we mean that data generated in one agency should be accessible and usable by another in a consistent and secure format, without contradiction or confusion. That is how you build one government, not multiple disconnected systems,” he explained.
He added that a robust interoperability framework would not only improve internal government efficiency but also create a platform for innovation, enabling startups and young innovators to build solutions on structured public datasets.
While commending the state’s leadership for its vision and commission, he said, “If we achieve even 80 per cent of what has been presented here, Abia will not only lead among states, but it will also become a national reference point for digital innovation.”
The workshop concluded with a renewed call for stronger federal–state collaboration, policy alignment, and sustained investment in digital capacity to ensure that the vision of “One Citizen, One Identity” translates into tangible socio-economic impact.
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