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Basis for Underdevelopment is Lack of Knowledge – Ajayi

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Shina Badaru, founder, Technology Times Media
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Engineer Lanre Ajayi is the president of the Nigerian Internet Group and the managing director of Pinet Informatics. He started his career with Nitel where he worked  for 11 years before starting Pinet Informatics as part of his contribution to the development of the sector. He spoke to funmi ilesanmi on a wide range of industry issues.  

NIG Increasing Internet Penetration in Nigeria
The Nigerian Internet Group has devised a couple of strategies to ensure that we boost Internet penetration in the country and out of all our activities and strategies, we consider policy advocacy as a prime one.  It is through policy advocacy that we can get input into government policies that will facilitate quick roll out of Internet services in the country. The roll out of Internet services that is not limited to the urban areas but extends to the rural areas, so we tend to participate actively in the process of policy formulation. We attend meetings with government, we submit memoranda, we attend public hearings where we new things are being discussed and we tend to help government fashion out policies that will ensure appropriate and adequate penetration of Internet in the country. We also do a lot of sensitization, creating public awareness through workshops, conferences and we generally highlight the importance of the Internet, how it can benefit individuals and the nation as a whole. We also showcase the potentials of the Internet in the improvement of social and economic well being and of late we have been focusing on the need for Nigerians to adopt the Internet as a tool for job creation and as a tool for wealth creation. It is in view of this that we launched an initiative called the Internet for Jobs (I4J) initiative to sensitize people on the power of the Internet to crate jobs for out teeming unemployed population.
Government’s Response to NIG Advocacy Activities
The government’s response has not been bad. They have been generous in inviting us to some of these for a where policies are being formulated. Specifically we were part of the process that came up with the new Information Technology Policy that will replace the existing policy and we had the opportunity to give our inputs. For giving us this kind of opportunities in presenting our perspective, we want to say that the government has been responding positively and we can see that some of the policies that we have particularly the telecoms policy have been proven to be quite good. The policy espouses deregulation, liberalization and all private sector led economy and we can see today that that has worked to a large extent and has created the right environment for investors to put their money down for the roll out of telecoms services and Internet services. Some of the policies we have can be considered good because government was gracious enough to accept inputs from various sectors including the Nigerian Internet Group in formulating some of these policies. 
Position of Internet for Jobs Initiative 
It is essentially about awareness creation, to let people know that you can make a living by using the Internet positively. Sensitization is an ongoing thing, the more we talk about it, the more we drive into people’s subconscious the opportunities on the Internet in creating jobs. It is an ongoing process, we only need to talk about it using every opportunity we have and I want to believe that people are listening to us. There are a number of moves by people to start their online businesses, which is quite encouraging to us and that is a proof that our I4J campaign is working.
Centralising Campaigns in Urban Areas
Yes, the NIG office might be located in Lagos and our activities might concentrate more in urban areas, our conferences, workshops and seminars but through the use of the media, I believe we can extend that campaign to the rural areas. Newspapers do get to the rural areas, radio and television stations are listened to and watched in the rural areas so by that some of our campaigns also get to these areas. We may not have the resources to move into every rural area in Nigeria but through the use of the media we believe we can reach out to people in rural areas and spread the gospel about the need to use the Internet for job creation.
Why Are Government Activities Still Paper Based?
Yes, I am as disappointed as you are. We expect government to take a lead in adopting the use of the Internet for service delivery. We are quite surprised that a good number of government agencies are not using this platform that makes their life easy and also make the lives of citizens easy. A platform that makes service delivery very efficient and cost effective, so we are surprised that government agencies are not buying into this but that is not to say all of them have shunned the Internet. There are some good examples of people who are adopting the Internet to deliver government services to citizens. The ones that readily come to mind are the JAMB of this world, WAEC and NECO which allow candidates to register online. You will agree with me that that has eased the burden on students and have made these organizations more efficient. Another good example is the passport office which allows you to apply for your passport online. Some of them are actually using the platform for service delivery but a good number of government agencies have not woken up to the opportunities presented by the Internet.
Need for Documentation in the Nigerian Internet Space
I don’t want to say it’s a cultural thing. We’ve not being documenting properly, people don’t write books in this area and we don’t read, so if you cannot learn from experiences, how do you develop your knowledge base? We need to develop a culture of documenting. We did not inherit that from our fore fathers because they lacked the capacity to write, the basic literacy was not there; the culture of documenting was not there so they were not able to pass all the experiences they gathered over the years to the new generation. People have ascribed our level of underdevelopment to that because we are not able to transfer knowledge to the new generation but the Internet has provided a great opportunity for us to capture our experiences, our knowledge and make it easier to transfer these resources to one another with ease. Now experiences can be captured with digital camera, a whole lot of resources that we have in physical form can be easily digitized and captured and transferred on the Internet in seconds. The Internet and the information era that we are offer great opportunities for us to capture our experiences, our knowledge and be able to transfer these to the new generation.
On the Set Back of a Computer per Nigerian Student
You see there is no initiative or project that will not have its draw back, that will not have some loopholes that could be exploited; but we have to weigh the pros and cons. Will you say because a couple of parents will sell the computer given to their children, should we use that as an excuse to deny other parents who will value the opportunity to enhance the knowledge of their children? Yes, we cannot rule out the possibility of few parents who cared little about their kids would dispense the computers that were given to their kids. I think there are millions of other parents that will realize the benefits of those computers to their children and will leave it for their children to develop themselves and will even join their children in utilizing this tool to empower themselves. If you continue to see the little draw back of initiatives then you will not embark on greater initiatives. I believe with all my heart that if we give every Nigerian student a computer today, the social and economic profits that the nation will derive from it far outstrip whatever other avenue we are putting the resources into now; be it fuel subsidy, be it even road construction or any other avenue we are putting money. What we actually lack in the country as basis for underdevelopment today is lack of knowledge. We are not knowledgeable relative to the people in the developed world. If acquiring knowledge is what we make us great, why don’t we put all our resources there? We have identified the Internet as a reservoir of knowledge so why don’t we give every Nigerian student that device that will enable them tap into that resource base so that Nigerians can become very knowledgeable for us to compete globally. I believe we need that investment, we need to put a huge resources, a great percentage of our resources in empowering the Nigerian student and the way to go about it is by giving them the opportunity to tap into the vast resources on the Internet. You cannot tap into the Internet without a terminal device like the computer, a smartphone and anything you can use to accessing the Internet. An ordinary Nigerian cannot afford a computer. An average low end computer will cost about N50,000, how many homes can afford that? It means there must be a government intervention to facilitate that ownership. That knowledge that will be acquired is in the national interest because whatever knowledge is acquired will still be used within this economy to boost our productivity; so it is an investment that needs to come top on priority, we should not look at some of the draw backs. There will be some loopholes and people will take advantage of it but it should never be the basis of us taking decisions on whether or not to go for great initiatives.
Addressing Bottlenecks in Broadband Penetration
There are a couple of bottlenecks and luckily they are not bottlenecks that are insurmountable. Operators do not have access to spectrum and that is the honest truth. Some operators have money to invest in broadband but to do wireless broadband, they need spectum and if the government is not releasing spectrum what do you do? You hold on to your money and who losses? The Nigerian populace will not be able to access the Internet at the right amount and at the right quality because there is no service delivery. We can make spectrum available to investors, to people who would like to roll out services. The other parts are already being addressed and that is the international backbone. International cables are being laid, we know of Glo 1 and MainOne that are possibly going to commence services this year. We believe that when these cables land, they are going to bring abundant international bandwidth and we also know that on the national scale, a number of companies are already rolling out fibre to major cities that will link Nigerian cities together.
The issue of last mile is still a pending issue because spectrums are not made available and incidentally that is the easiest part of the whole scenario. It should not be a difficult thing for anybody to do. The spectrums are there, three spectrums have been ascribed for Wimax globally; the 2.3GHZ, the 2.5GHZ and the 3.5GHZ. We have these spectrums there unoccupied so why are we not releasing it for the roll out of broadband services? I think that is an area the government has to look into.
About Pinet Informatics
Pinet is one of the first ISPs not only in Nigeria but in Africa. We are a traditional ISP, we started during the days of the dial up. We have been involved as technology evolve, we’ve done Vsat, we’ve done wireless, we’ve pioneered a number of products and services in the industry. We were the first to do a prepaid Internet card which we called the Log On card which was the first prepaid card in the country. We developed the Nipost e-mail when e-mail was still emerging. We’ve pioneered a number of initiatives and even now we hope to launch a number of products which are also pioneering services in the country and that is in the area of content and in the area of e-payments. Hopefully soon we will launch the products. We are an engineering company, we are also an innovative and creative company. We have moved from being a pure engineering company to an all encompassing company.                                                   
Competition between ISPs and Telcos
I will say it is an unfair competition. Of all the traditional ISPs we started with, there are about one or two left, the others seem dead. GSM and CDMA operators bundling Internet into their services eliminated traditional ISPs. But we are a little bit lucky that we anticipated it, we saw it coming so we started exploring other opportunities. We saw a big opportunity in the area of content, in the area of e-services and we started conducting intensive research and we are lucky that the number of products that we have been researching on are fully developed now; and we will soon launch the products. 

 


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FG New Approves Biometric Passenger Verification System for Airports Security

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Federal government has signed a concession agreement for the deployment of a contactless biometric passenger verification system across Nigeria’s domestic airports.

FG New Approves Biometric Passenger Verification System for Airports Security

The initiative, known as VPASS, is designed to strengthen aviation security, improve data integrity and boost revenue generation.

Festus Keyamo, minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, said the agreement followed the concurrence of the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission, the Attorney-General of the Federation and approval by the Federal Executive Council.

 

Keyamo said the system will eliminate discrepancies in passenger records, curb unauthorized boarding and ensure all domestic air travellers are properly identified, closing existing gaps in standard identification procedures.

 


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STBMAN, NBC Bicker over Alleged Due Process Breaches

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Association of Licensed Set-Top Box Manufacturers of Nigeria (STBMAN) has waxed worriedly over the National Broadcasting Commission’s (NBC) repeated violations of due process in managing the country’s Digital Switch Over (DSO) project.

STBMAN, NBC Bicker over Alleged Due Process Breaches

In a statement released in Abuja, Sir Godfrey Ohuabunwa, chairman,  STBMAN, stated that the NBC’s actions are slowing down Nigeria’s transition from analogue to digital broadcasting and discouraging local investors who have committed resources to the project.

Ohuabunwa noted that Nigeria began serious discussions on DSO in 2008, yet 17 years later, the country has made little progress, while nations that once sought Nigeria’s assistance have completed their own transitions.

“STBMAN has repeatedly called for the protection of local manufacturers, strict compliance with the federal government’s White Paper on DSO, and full respect for the rule of law, but these calls have been ignored,” Ohuabunwa said.

The NBC’s alleged plan to import hybrid set-top boxes from China has been criticized by STBMAN, which says this move disregards the heavy investments already made by licensed Nigerian manufacturers and contradicts the President’s directive to prioritize locally made products.

“The manufacturers have invested in equipment, technology upgrades, and workforce training, expecting government support and policy stability,”he added.


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REVEALED: How Nigeria’s Energy Crisis is Driven by Debt and Global Forces

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By Blaise Udunze

For months, Nigerians have argued in circles. Aliko Dangote has been blamed by default. They have accused his refinery of monopoly power, of greed, of manipulation. They have pointed out the rising price of petrol and demanded a villain.

When examined closely, the truth is uncomfortable, layered, and deeply geopolitical because the real story is not at the fuel pump and this is what Nigerians have been missing unknowingly. The truth is that the real story is happening behind closed doors, across continents, inside financial systems most citizens never see and the actors will prefer that the people are kept in the dark. And once you see it, the outrage shifts. The questions deepen. The implications expand far beyond Nigeria.

In October 2024, it was obvious and clear that the world would have noticed that Nigeria made a move that should have dominated global headlines, but didn’t. Clearly, this was when the government of President Bola Tinubu introduced a quiet but radical policy, which is the Naira-for-Crude. The idea was simple and revolutionary. Nigeria, Africa’s largest oil producer, would allow domestic refineries to purchase crude oil in naira instead of U.S. dollars. On the surface, it looked like economic reform. In reality, it was something far more consequential. It was a challenge to the global financial order.

For decades, oil has been traded almost exclusively in dollars, reinforcing the dominance of the United States in global finance. By attempting to refine its own oil using its own currency, Nigeria was not just making a policy adjustment. It was testing the boundaries of economic sovereignty. And in today’s world, sovereignty, especially when it touches money, debt, and energy, comes with consequences.

What followed was not loud. There were no emergency broadcasts or dramatic policy reversals. Instead, the response was quiet, bureaucratic, and devastatingly effective just to undermine the processes. Nigeria produces over 1.5 million barrels of crude oil per day, though pushing for 3 million by 20230, yet when the Dangote Refinery requested 15 cargoes of crude for September 2024 what it received was only six from the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPC), which means its yield for a refinery with such capacity will be low if nothing is done. Come to think of it, between January and August 2025, Nigerian refineries collectively requested 123 million barrels of domestic crude but received just 67 million, which by all indications showed a huge gap. It is a contradiction and at the same time, laughable that an oil-producing nation could not supply its own refinery with its own oil.

So where was the crude going? The answer exposes a deeper, more uncomfortable truth about Nigeria’s economic reality. The crude was being sold on the international market for dollars. Those dollars were then used, almost immediately, to service Nigeria’s growing mountain of external debt. Loans owed to the same institutions, like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank had to be paid, which are the same institutions applauding this government. Nigeria was not prioritizing domestic industrialization; it was prioritizing debt repayment.

And the scale of that debt is no longer abstract. Nigeria’s total debt stock is now projected to rise from N155.1 trillion to N200 trillion, following an additional $6 billion loan request by President Tinubu, hurriedly approved by the Senate. At an exchange rate of N1,400 to the dollar, that single loan adds N8.4 trillion to a debt stock that already stood at N146.69 trillion at the end of 2025. This is not just a fiscal statistic. It is the central pressure shaping every major economic decision in the country.

On paper, the government can point to rising revenue, improving foreign exchange inflows, and stronger fiscal discipline as witnessed when the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Olayemi Cardoso, always touted the foreign reserves growth. But a closer review of those numbers reveals a harsher reality. Nigeria is exporting its most valuable resource, converting it into dollars, and sending those dollars straight back out to creditors. The crude leaves. The dollars come in. The dollars leave again. And the cycle repeats.

This is not growth. This is a treadmill powered by debt. Let us not forget that in the middle of that treadmill sits a $20 billion refinery, built to solve Nigeria’s energy dependence, now trapped within the very system it was meant to escape.

By 2025, the contradiction had become impossible to ignore, which is a fact. This is because how can this be explained that the Dangote Refinery, designed to reduce reliance on imports, was increasingly dependent on them. The narrative is that in 2024, Nigeria imported 15 million barrels of crude from America, which is disheartening to mention the least. More troubling is that by 2025, that number surged to 41 million barrels, a 161 percent increase. By mid-2025, approximately 60 percent of the refinery’s feedstock was coming from American crude. As of early 2026, Nigerian crude accounted for only about 30 to 35 percent, which was actually confirmed by Aliko Dangote.

The visible contradiction in this situation is that the refinery built to free Nigeria from dollar dependence was running largely on dollar-denominated imports. Not because the oil did not exist locally, but because the system, shaped by debt obligations and global financial structures, made it more practical to export crude for dollars than to refine it domestically, which leads us to several other covert concerns.

Faced with this troubling reality, there is one major issue that still needs to be answered. This is why Dangote pushed back by filing a N100 billion lawsuit against the NNPC and major oil marketers. He further accused the parties involved of failing to prioritize domestic refining. For a brief moment, one will think that the confrontation, as it appeared, was underway is one that could redefine the balance between state control and private industrial ambition, but these expectations never saw the light of day.

Yes, it never saw the light of day because on July 28, 2025, the lawsuit was quietly withdrawn. No press conferences. No public explanation. No confirmed settlement. Just silence.

There are only a few plausible or credible explanations. As a practice and well-known in the country, institutional pressure may have made continued confrontation untenable. A strategic compromise may have been reached behind closed doors. Or the realities of the system itself may have made victory impossible, regardless of the merits of the case. None of these scenarios suggests a system operating with full autonomy or aligned national interest. All of them point to constraints, political, economic, or structural, that extend far beyond a single company.

Then came the shock that changed everything.

On February 28, 2026, Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz, disrupting a channel through which roughly 20 percent of the world’s oil supply flows. Prices surged past $100 per barrel. Global markets entered crisis mode. Supply chains are fractured. Countries dependent on Middle Eastern fuel suddenly had nowhere to turn.

And they turned to Nigeria. Nations like South Africa, Ghana, and Kenya began seeking fuel supplies from the Dangote Refinery. The same refinery that had been starved of crude, forced into dollar-denominated imports, and entangled in domestic disputes suddenly became the most strategically important energy asset on the African continent.

Nigeria did not plan for this. It did not negotiate for this. With this development, the world had no choice but simply run out of options, and Lagos became the fallback.

And then, almost immediately, attention shifted. This swiftly prompted in early 2026, a United States congressional report to recommend applying pressure on Nigeria’s trade relationships within Africa. Shortly after, on March 16, 2026, the United States launched a Section 301 trade investigation into multiple economies, including Nigeria. This is not a sanction, but it is the legal foundation for one. At the same time, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, which had provided duty-free access to U.S. markets for decades, was allowed to expire in 2025 without renewal.

The sequence is difficult to ignore. As Nigeria’s strategic importance rose, so did external scrutiny. As its potential for regional energy leadership increased, so did the instruments of economic pressure.

To understand why, you must look at the system itself. The global economy runs on the U.S. dollar, which the Iranian government tried to scuttle by implementing a policy that requires oil cargo tankers being transported via the Strait of Hormuz to be made in Yuan. Most countries need dollars to trade, to import essential goods, to access global markets. The infrastructure that enforces this is the SWIFT financial network, which connects banks across the world. Control over this system confers enormous power. Countries that step too far outside it risk exclusion, and exclusion, in modern terms, means economic paralysis.

Nigeria’s attempt to trade crude in naira was not just a policy experiment. It was a subtle deviation from a system that rewards compliance and punishes independence. The response was not military. It did not need to be. It was structural. Limit domestic supply. Reinforce dollar dependence. Ensure that even attempts at independence remain tethered to the existing order.

And all the while, the debt clock continues to tick. N155.1 trillion.

That number is not just a fiscal burden. It is leverage. It shapes policy. It influences decisions and it also determines priorities, which tells you that when a nation is deeply indebted, its room to maneuver shrinks. In all of this, one thing that must be understood is that choices that might favor long-term sovereignty are often sacrificed for short-term stability. Debt does not just demand repayment. It demands alignment.

Back home, Nigerians remain focused on the most visible symptom, which is fuel prices. Unbeknownst to most Nigerians, they argue, protest, and assign blame while the forces shaping those prices include global currency systems, sovereign debt obligations, trade pressures, and geopolitical realignments. The price at the pump is not the cause. It is the consequence.

Nigeria now stands at an intersection defined not by scarcity, but by contradiction. What is more alarming is that it produces vast amounts of crude oil, yet struggles to supply its own refinery. It earns more in dollar terms, yet its citizens feel poorer. It builds infrastructure meant to ensure independence, yet operates within constraints that reinforce dependence. This is not a failure of resources and this is because there is a conflict or tension between what Nigeria wants, which reflects its ambition and structure, and between sovereignty and obligation.

And so the questions remain, growing louder with each passing month and might force Nigerians, when pushed to the wall, to begin demanding answers. If Nigeria has the oil, why is it importing crude? Further to this dismay, more questions arise, such as, why is the refinery paying in dollars if Naira-for-crude exists? One will also be forced to ask if the lawsuit had merit, why was it withdrawn without explanation? If revenues are rising, why is hardship deepening? And if Nigeria is merely a developing economy with limited influence, why is it attracting this level of global attention?

These are not abstract questions. They are the pressure points of a system that extends far beyond Nigeria’s borders.

Because this story is no longer just about one country. The reality is that perhaps unbeknownst to many, it is about the future of African economic independence. It is about the structure of global energy markets, the dominance of the dollar and the role of debt in shaping national destiny. Honestly, the question that comes to bear is that if Nigeria, with all its resources and scale, cannot fully align its production with its domestic needs, what does that imply for the rest of the continent?

The next time the conversation turns to petrol prices, something must shift. Because the number on the pump is not where this battle is being fought. It is being fought in allocation decisions, in debt negotiations, in regulatory frameworks, in international financial systems, and in quiet policy moves that rarely make headlines.

The Dangote Refinery is not just an industrial project. It is a test case. A test of whether a nation can truly control its own resources in a world where power is rarely exercised loudly, but always effectively. And right now, that test is still unfolding.

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]


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