General News
Report Fingers Jeb Bush in Dirty Nigerian Deals

Jeb Bush was the son of the sitting U.S. president when he was greeted in Nigeria as a hero, leading a 21-person delegation to the country in 1989.
“The visit was the grandest celebration of U.S.-Nigeria friendship we have seen in recent memory,” read a U.S. State Department diplomatic cable at the time titled “Nigeria Goes All out for Jeb Bush visit.”
During a visit to Lagos, then-Nigerian President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida and Jaja Nwachukwu, former External Affairs minister gave Bush gifts. Bush returned the favor by giving a medal from the inauguration of his father, President George H.W. Bush.
But this was a business trip for Jeb Bush, part of his job helping in sales for MWI Corporation, a South Florida company that last year was found guilty in a federal civil case of misleading the U.S. government to secure taxpayer-funded loans.
New details uncovered by Naples Daily News-Treasure Coast newspapers in depositions and confidential FBI interviews reveal claims that Bush made more on MWI business deals than the $648,000 he has acknowledged publicly and he made money on the Nigeria project at the center of the federal investigation.
Former MWI employees contradicted Bush’s earlier statements insisting that he never received a penny from the Nigeria project, but those workers did not provide proof nor did investigators seek it, according to the documents.
Bush, who co-owned the Bush-El company to work with MWI, was never a target or accused of any wrongdoing in the federal case that ended with a verdict last June against the company.
Federal investigators could find no evidence tying him to wrongdoing discovered in the Nigeria pump deal, although at the time they didn’t rule it out, according to a confidential January 2002 U.S. Department of Justice memo obtained by Naples Daily News-Treasure Coast newspapers.
“We do not now have evidence that Bush had any involvement in the contracts at issue in the relator’s complaint, though this remains a possibility,” according to the memo.
As Bush prepares a run for president, his business record will come under intense scrutiny.
The MWI deal is the second venture in which investors eagerly sought his involvement, yet ultimately the deals ended in litigation and federal scrutiny. Bush also has faced questions about ties to a bankrupt South Florida company whose leaders were convicted of fraud and money laundering.
The Naples Daily News-Treasure Coast newspapers offered Bush an opportunity to review and discuss his company’s work with MWI, but spokeswoman Kristy Campbell said he declined.
“Governor Bush’s previously released tax returns detail all of his earnings from Bush-El. As he has confirmed multiple times, he recused himself from any compensation related to the projects in Nigeria. Anything to the contrary is flat out not true,” Campbell said in a written statement.
“The federal government specifically did not include a company Governor Bush previously worked with in the complaint they filed.
Two years ago, a judge in the ongoing MWI litigation specifically declined to include anything related to Bush-El in the litigation because there is not even a mention of the former company in the plaintiff’s complaint.
There is nothing suggesting that Governor Bush has done anything that was not appropriate,” Campbell’s statement reads.
For roughly three years starting in 1998, MWI was in the crosshairs of FBI agents and federal prosecutors.
And Bush’s name came up several times, according to investigative records and other case documents, including confidential FBI reports of interviews, obtained by Naples Daily News-Treasure Coast newspapers.
Investigators were interviewing former employees of the pump company to determine if they should intervene in a whistleblower lawsuit filed by a former company vice president.
The feds were interested in the case because the Nigeria deal was financed through the Export-Import Bank, a federal entity that offers loans so that U.S. companies can increase exports to spur job creation.
Over a two day span in March 1992, the bank gave final approval to eight separate loans totaling $74.3 million. The money went to Nigeria, which used it to purchase MWI pumps.
In January 2002, federal prosecutors filed a civil case against MWI, accusing the company of failing to disclose nearly $30 million in commissions paid to Alhaji Indimi, its Nigerian sales agent who later became an oil baron and one of the richest people in Africa.
After a more than 12-year legal saga, a federal jury in Washington found MWI guilty in June of not reporting the commissions used to buy luxury cars, mansions, and a swanky golf outing for Indimi.
While never accused of wrongdoing, Bush’s role with MWI came up during FBI interviews and depositions as investigators reviewed the company’s practices.
They wanted to know more about Bush-El, the company Bush ran with MWI owner David Eller from 1988-1993 to market MWI pumps oversees.
During his failed 1994 bid for Florida governor, Bush said he reported $648,000 on tax returns for his work at Bush-El, but no income came from the Nigeria project.
Federal investigators heard a different story from former MWI employees, who said he earned a higher figure, although all offered different amounts.
The Justice Department memo citing Bush also references an FBI interview from former employee Mike Carcamo, who worked at MWI from 1988-1994. He told FBI agents that Bush-El had a contract with MWI to receive 3 percent on projects in a handful of countries, including Nigeria.
Irma Needelman, who served as secretary to the company’s sales staff for nine years, also told FBI agents and federal prosecutors that Bush made amounts greater than he had publicly acknowledged from MWI.
Another former executive said Bush’s company made 5 percent on projects, including from Nigeria.
The Justice Department memo came from the office of Robert D. McCallum, who ran DOJ’s civil division at the time.
A Yale University classmate of President George W. Bush, fellow member of the Skull and Bones society and decades-long friend, Bush appointed McCallum in 2001 as assistant attorney general for the civil division.
In an interview with Naples Daily News-Treasure Coast newspapers, McCallum said he did “not have recollection of the case.”
While his name surfaced in the investigation, Jeb Bush was not cited, nor was Bush-El, in the federal government’s civil complaint. That meant any money he or his company received and anything about his role with MWI could not be brought up at trial.
The whistleblower suit, filed by former company vice president Robert Purcell, did cite Bush-El. Purcell said in his lawsuit, among other things, that commissions to Indimi were higher than Export-Import bank allowed so he could bribe Nigerian officials, and that MWI transferred commissions he was supposed to receive to Bush-El.
Nicole Navas, a Justice Department spokeswoman, declined to comment on why Bush-El was left out of the government’s lawsuit, noting it’s “still pending litigation.”
Through a company attorney, Eller and other current MWI employees declined comment because of an ongoing appeal in the case. Purcell also declined comment.
Bush-El was a company created, in part, to harness Bush’s political star power, according to testimony in the civil case.
“He was the high lama. I mean, you know, he was God walking on water,” Greg Johnson, the company’s former pilot, said in his deposition of a 1989 trip Bush took to Nigeria for MWI. “I mean, the son of the president of the United States.”
At least three former MWI employees said under oath that Bush received anywhere from $800,000 to 5 percent of MWI sales. While specific sales numbers were not readily available, the company saw a $16 million increase in net sales from 1993 to 1994 attributed primarily to the Nigeria project, according to testimony from the financial officer.
Carcamo worked for the company for six years, including working directly on the Nigeria deal. His boss was Juan Ponce, MWI’s former vice president of international sales. Carcamo told FBI agents that Bush’s contract with MWI provided commissions on sales in a host of countries, including Nigeria.
“Carcamo advised that Jeb Bush had a contract with David Eller in 1989 that entitled Bush to three percent of all sales to Malaysia, Taiwan, Nigeria, Thailand, and Mexico,” according to the FBI report on Caramo’s 1999 interview.
In a recent interview with Naples Daily News-Treasure Coast newspapers, Carcamo said Bush made $1.7 million directly from the Nigerian deal, which was paid in 1993 as he was leaving the company to run for governor. That separate contract was not mentioned in the FBI interview, but Carcamo says he saw a copy of the deal. He could not offer documentation.
Needelman, the former company secretary for nine years responsible for preparing legal documents for national and international shipping, told the FBI in 1999 that Bush made around $800,000 from MWI. Her position with the company was eliminated in 1996.
“Needelman stated MWI gave Jeb Bush hundreds of thousands of dollars (she estimated $800,000) as an incentive for Bush to do public relations work in Nigeria and Egypt,” according to the FBI report of her 1999 interview.
In an interview with Naples Daily News-Treasure Coast newspapers, she said she could not remember all of the specifics surrounding Bush’s payments, but that it was “laughable” that he only made $648,000. During that interview, she said he made more than $1 million.
During his deposition in the whistleblower case, Ponce, the company’s former vice president and Carcamo’s boss, said “Bush-El was to earn 5 percent,” and he further explained the arrangement of 5 percent “of all these projects, which was going to be shared half and half between Jeb Bush” and MWI.
As Bush readies a 2016 run for the White House, he has begun stepping away from business obligations, including positions on company boards. In addition, his business record has come under greater scrutiny, including payments from InnoVida, a now bankrupt South Florida-based materials company.
In 2007, shortly after leaving the governor’s mansion, he signed a $15,000 consulting contract with InnoVida. In 2008, Bush became a board member and later inked agreements with a company subsidiary that would pay him up to 8 percent commissions for developing business in Mexico, South Africa, and Nigeria, according to court documents.
After the massive 2010 earthquake in Haiti, the company received a $10 million federal loan to build housing on the devastated island nation. Ultimately, $3.3 million of the money was paid before federal officials grew suspicious that Claudio Osorio, the company’s chief executive, was mismanaging funds.
In 2012, Osorio and Craig Toll, the company’s chief financial officer, were charged with dozens of counts of fraud and money laundering. A year later, Osorio got a 12 year sentence and ordered to repay $24 million, while Toll got four years and was ordered to repay $3.3 million.
Bush cut ties with the company in 2010 when he began to suspect Osorio was mismanaging funds. When the company filed for bankruptcy, he repaid $270,000 of the $469,000 he made from the company, and returned his $15,000 consulting fee.
General News
Interswitch Advocates Trust-Driven Infrastructure as Cornerstones of Africa’s Cross-Border Capital Future

Interswitch Group, one of Africa’s leading integrated payments and digital commerce companies, has reaffirmed its commitment to advancing a seamless and inclusive financial ecosystem across the continent at the recently concluded Inclusive Fintech Forum 2026, which held at the Kigali Convention Centre, in Rwanda from 10 -12 March 2026.

Speaking during a high-level session themed “Financial Centres & the Future of Cross-Border Capital” Akeem Lawal, Managing Director, Payments Processing & Switching (Interswitch Purepay), highlighted the critical factors shaping the next phase of financial integration across Africa.
He noted that while rapid advancements in digital technology have made it possible for capital to move across borders at unprecedented speed, the ultimate destination and impact of such capital flows are determined by trust, robust infrastructure, and strategic collaboration.
According to Lawal, as Africa’s economies continue to digitize and integrate, stakeholders must prioritize building resilient payment systems and fostering partnerships that enhance transparency, interoperability, and shared prosperity.
He emphasized that sustainable growth in cross-border financial flows will depend not only on technological innovation but also on the collective ability of institutions to inspire confidence and enable seamless transactions at scale.
Throughout the forum’s engagements, Interswitch, as one of Africa’s leading and pioneering digital technology enablers reiterated its long-standing vision of fostering a prosperous and interconnected Africa. The company continues to champion the development of a secure, technologically advanced digital payments ecosystem designed to connect and empower individuals, businesses, governments, and communities across the continent.
Participation at the Inclusive Fintech Forum underscores Interswitch’s strategic focus on driving thought leadership, strengthening regional collaboration, and supporting initiatives that accelerate financial inclusion and economic resilience.
As Africa navigates the evolving landscape of digital finance and cross-border commerce, Interswitch remains committed to delivering innovative solutions and partnerships that unlock opportunities for growth and shared value creation.
General News
FCCPC Launches Fuel Price Surveillance, Probes Airline Price Gouging, Resolves N10bn Complaints

In a robust move to shield consumers from opportunistic profiteering, the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) has rolled out comprehensive nationwide monitoring of fuel prices, zeroing in on petrol marketers amid escalating global hostilities between the United States, Israel, and Iran that threaten to jolt Nigeria’s volatile petroleum market.

FCCPC
Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer Tunji Bello unveiled this proactive strategy during Thursday’s riveting March edition of the Meet the Press briefing at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, underscoring the profound, cascading implications of any petrol price uptick on everyday essentials from transportation to foodstuffs.
“We are presently monitoring the situation now, the effect of the US, Israeli, Iran war as it affects prices in Nigeria. Petrol has far-reaching effects on some of the things we eat or take daily,” Bello articulated, revealing the deployment of dedicated monitors empowered to interrogate stark pricing anomalies—such as when competitors slash rates by ₦100 or ₦200 per litre, yet outliers stubbornly hold at ₦1,100 to ₦1,500—and seamless collaboration with the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) to enforce accountability and deter exploitation.
Turning to the aviation sector, Bello disclosed that FCCPC’s exhaustive probe into yuletide price gouging has pinpointed five to six domestic airlines for collusion, inflating fares from a baseline of ₦145,000-₦150,000 to exorbitant ₦500,000-₦700,000 during the Christmas rush.
“We investigated the airlines during the Christmas period because what we found was that they colluded to fix prices at that time,” he affirmed, confirming the issuance of an investigative report with stern penalties in the offing and directives for refunds of exploited excesses to aggrieved passengers. While withholding names pending finalisation, Bello signalled imminent public disclosure to restore market fairness.
Consumer grievances span critical sectors, with energy topping the list—electricity users railing against persistent metering deficits, inflated estimated billing, and unreliable Band A tariffs promising up to 20 hours daily yet delivering far less—prompting FCCPC to rigorously enforce service-tariff proportionality on distribution companies.
Fintech woes, particularly in online transactions and predatory loan apps, alongside telecom billing disputes, also proliferate, reflecting Nigeria’s deepening digital economy pains.
Bello highlighted FCCPC’s stellar track record, resolving over 9,000 complaints between March and August 2025 and clawing back more than ₦10 billion for victims. “Nigerians sometimes grumble more than they complain. Once you complain, the system generates a code for the complaint, and we can begin to act on it,” he urged, championing formal channels for swift intervention.
The Commission recommitted to dynamic partnerships with consumers, trade associations, and sister regulators, fortifying defences against anti-competitive conduct and embedding consumer rights as the bedrock of Nigeria’s evolving market ecosystem.
This multi-pronged offensive arrives at a pivotal juncture, as geopolitical flux and domestic inflation test regulatory mettle.
General News
Court Freezes Bank Accounts of Petrocam, Founder over Alleged N9Bn Zenith Bank Debt

Federal High Court sitting in Lagos has ordered the freezing of bank accounts belonging to Petrocam Trading Nigeria Limited and Patrick Ilo, its founder, over an alleged N9.05 billion debt.

Patrick Ilo and Petrocam Filling station
Justice Chukwujekwu Aneke of the court granted the interim orders in Suit No: FHC/L/CS/393/2026 which was an ex parte application filed by Zenith Bank to preserve funds allegedly owed by the defendants as of May 31, 2025.
It was gathered that the ex parte motion was argued by Chief A.A. Aribisala (SAN) on behalf of Zenith Bank.
While delivering the ruling on Wednesday, the court restrained the defendants, whether acting by themselves or through agents, privies, or assigns, from withdrawing, transferring, dissipating, or otherwise dealing with funds up to the sum of ₦9,057,511,855.63, pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice.
“An interim order is hereby granted restraining the defendants/respondents, Petrocam Trading Nigeria Limited and Patrick Ilo, whether by themselves, their agents, privies or assigns, from withdrawing, transferring, dissipating or otherwise dealing with any funds up to the sum of ₦9,057,511,855.63 pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice,” Justice Aneke ruled.
The court further ordered the freezing of all accounts linked to Bank Verification Number (BVN) 22141926401, which the bank alleged is being used by Ilo to operate Petrocam’s accounts.
In addition, Justice Aneke directed all financial institutions within the jurisdiction of the court to immediately place a lien or “Post-No-Debit” restriction on all accounts associated with the BVN.
According to the order, “All financial institutions within the jurisdiction of this honourable court are hereby directed to place a lien or post-no-debit restriction on all accounts linked to BVN 22141926401 pending further orders of the court.”
The order extends beyond traditional banks to key operators within Nigeria’s electronic payment ecosystem. Among those joined as respondents in the matter are the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System, Interswitch Limited, and Interswitch Financial Inclusion Services Limited.
The court also directed the institutions to disclose the details of all accounts linked to the BVN. Justice Aneke ordered the respondents to file an affidavit of return within seven days, revealing all accounts connected to the BVN, their balances, and the transaction history covering the preceding six months.
Court documents filed in support of the application showed that the credit facility at the centre of the dispute was subject to several pre-disbursement conditions imposed by Zenith Bank.
According to the filings, Petrocam was required to formally accept the facility through its authorised signatories, provide a board resolution approving the loan, and disclose any existing indebtedness to other lenders, including facility limits, outstanding balances, and collateral pledged.
Other conditions included the domiciliation of sales proceeds and Sovereign Debt Note subsidy payments from Oando Plc and Total Nigeria Plc into Petrocam’s account with Zenith Bank.
The company was also required to submit relevant contract agreements for the bank’s approval and provide a five percent counterpart contribution for each transaction, while all required security documentation had to be executed before the facility could be disbursed.
The bank further stated that Petrocam was expected to submit quarterly management accounts within 60 days after the end of each quarter and audited annual financial statements within 120 days.
In addition, Petrocam was required to route all import duty payments and Letters of Credit through its account with Zenith Bank, establish Letters of Credit for petroleum imports, and obtain comprehensive marine insurance naming Zenith Bank as the first loss payee.
Court filings also revealed that General Marine and Oil Services Ltd had been appointed by the bank to monitor petroleum product warehousing at Petrocam’s expense.
The facility agreement further imposed foreign exchange obligations, authorising Zenith Bank to settle maturing Usance obligations at 12 percent interest if Petrocam failed to provide the necessary funds.
The bank maintained that in the event of default, Petrocam would be responsible for all legal, recovery, and ancillary costs arising from enforcement of the facility.
The court also granted Zenith Bank leave to serve the defendants through substituted means.
Justice Aneke ruled that the defendants may be served at their last known address in Victoria Island, Lagos.
The matter has been adjourned to March 17, 2026, for mention.
General News2 days agoCourt Freezes Bank Accounts of Petrocam, Founder over Alleged N9Bn Zenith Bank Debt
E-Business3 days agoFG Moves to Strengthen Children’s Online Safety
General News2 days agoFCCPC Says Telcos, Energy Firms Lead Consumer Complaints in Nigeria
E-Financial3 days agoCBN Directs Banks to Activate Anti-Money Laundering Systems
Telecom2 days agoTecheconomy Unveils IWD 2026 Power List Celebrating 100 Women Shaping the Future
Telecom3 days agoCanal+ Unveils €100m Rescue Plan to Revive MultiChoice after Subscriber Slump
E-Business3 days agoHow Africa Can Turn the AI Wave into Inclusive Growth
E-Business2 days agoKaspersky Uncovers a New Android Malware Campaign Disguised as Starlink Application













