News
Susan Rice, CIA and MKO Abiola’s Last Cup of Tea
Since Obama nominated Susan Rice for the position of National Security Advisor, questions have been asked in the Nigerian media about allegations of her role in the death of the winner of Nigeria’s annulled 1993 presidential election, Chief MKO Abiola.
Following an interview with the Nigerian Punch in which Dr. Ore Falomo, Chief MKO Abiola’s personal physician, accused the CIA of involvement in the death of Chief MKO Abiola, a former Nigerian Minister of Aviation, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, in an opinion piece published also in the Nigerian Punch, revisited the question that has been the subject of speculations alleging CIA involvement in the death of the Nigerian multimillionaire politician; and allegations that Rice might have, knowingly or unknowingly, played the role of messenger of death in the case.
According to Digital Journal, the veritable global digital media network with 43,000+ content creators in 200 countries around the world, Rice was one of the last persons who saw Abiola alive and reportedly served him his last cup of tea. Abiola died of cardiac arrest within an hour of drinking the tea.
Background to the Alleged Plot
Chief MKO Abiola won the June 12, 1993 presidential election as the candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) with Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe as his running mate.
He defeated Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention by a wide margin (58.71%/41.29%) even defeating the opponent in his home state, Kano.
Local and International observers proclaimed the election the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s political history. But the military junta of General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida annulled the election over sinister issues of power struggle and bitter rivalry between individuals and political power cliques.
The annulment led to a political crisis which forced General Babangida to “step aside” as head of state on August 26, 1993.
He handed over power to an ad hoc Interim National Government headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan, with General Sanni Abacha, an ambitious “militician” and protege of General Babangida, serving as Minister of Defense.
Shonekan, a businessman with little political experience was unable to take control and manage the crisis the annulment generated.
General Sanni Abacha, as widely anticipated, eased Shonekan out of office and seized power on 17 November, 1993.
Abiola issued the so-called “Epetedo Declaration” in which he proclaimed himself president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on the basis of his June 12, 1993 electoral victory.
The declaration came after he returned from an overseas trip as part of efforts to win international support.
General Abacha move quickly. He declared Abiola wanted on charges of treason and had him arrested.
Abiola spent the last four years of his life in solitary confinement during which Pope John Paul, Desmond Tutu and other international figures lobbied General Abacha for his release.
Abiola rejected the only condition for his release that Abacha demanded: that he renounce his June 12 mandate with compensation for his electoral expenses.
The crisis resulting from the annulment brought Nigeria to a political and economic standstill for five years.
Abacha’s Last Cup of Fruit Juice
Digital Journal reported that General Abacha died suddenly in June 1998 while carousing with Indian prostitutes flown in from Dubai.
According to the version of the story widely reported in the Nigerian media and credited to government sources, he was cavorting with the prostitutes in the resident of a senior official in Abuja during the weekend of June 6 and 7, 1998, when one of the women laced his drink with poison.
According to The New York Times: “… based on reporting from American Government agencies with sources inside the Nigerian military, it is unclear what the poison was or how it was administered.
But it is thought that the source of the poison might be an officer or a clique of officers in the Nigerian military regime who believed that the general’s hold on power was destroying what little good name the army had left.”
The New York Times reports that a US official told the media: “There are some doctors in the employ of the C.I.A. who, when the description of the body was given to them, said it could be consistent with poisoning.”
The fact that Abacha was buried hurriedly within 24 hours of his death without an autopsy strengthened early speculations that he was poisoned by political rivals as part of an international conspiracy involving the CIA to resolve the protracted stand-off between him and Abiola languishing in detention.
Major General Abdulsalami Abubakar, Nigeria’s defense chief of staff, was sworn in as new Head of State after Abacha’s death. Abubakar’s government committed itself to releasing Abiola from detention while stepping up pressure on him through international diplomats to renounce his mandate.
While Abiola continued to hold on stubbornly to his electoral victory, a consensus developed among international diplomats that the crisis in Nigeria could be resolved only if Abiola agreed to renounced his mandate.
Abiola thus came under intense pressure from foreign governments, including the US government, to renounce the mandate as a sacrifice to allow Nigeria “move forward.”
Kofin Annan, the UN Secretary General and the Nigerian international diplomat Emeka Anyaoku, then Commonwealth Secretary General, visited Abiola in solitary confinement on July 1, 1998 as part of the efforts to persuade him to renounce his electoral victory on the grounds that the five-year-old mandate had expired and that Nigeria needed to “move forward” after five years of stagnation due to the crisis.
Annan and Anyaoku told reporters at a news conference in Abuja after they met with Abiola that he had agreed. Annan, reporting that the government would announce Abiola’s release at “the appropriate time,” said: “Abiola said he would want to be released to get on with his life.
He told me ‘I am not naive enough to think I can come out and be president.'”
However, Abiola later denied reports that he told Annan he had renounced his mandate. The circumstances led to the public perception that Abiola was under pressure.
The Plot Thickens: Abiola’s Last Cup of Tea
On July 7, 1998, the same day the government had announced Abiola would be released, Susan Rice and Ambassador Thomas Pickering, led a US delegation to visit the Nigerian president-elect. Abiola suffered a fatal heart attack during the meeting.
The information was later leaked that Rice had served him tea during the meeting and that he developed cardiac symptoms and died within minutes of taking the tea.
According to the Punch, the American delegation met him at 3 p.m.; he died between 3:20 and 3:40 p.m. after taking the tea that Rice served him.
Abiola’s personal physician Ore Falomo, told the Punch that although Abiola was under medical management for high blood pressure and ventricular hypertrophy , the circumstances of his death, especially its coincidence with General Abacha’s death a month earlier, raise enough suspicion to warrant further investigation into the possibility of poisoning. He told the Punch:
“Why did that (heart attack) happen? How could that happen to somebody who just woke up, had not done anything and was not doing any exercise…. Could something have triggered the heart attack? The answer is yes. We also know that there are drugs that can affect the rhythm of the heart. Such drugs can disturb the rhythm of the heart to an extent that the heart can stop pumping blood. If you give it to anyone to drink in tablet or liquid form, it can make the heart to stop within minutes.”
Falomo continued :
“Nobody told Abiola that he was going to have visitors that day. So, they woke him up and he just brushed his teeth and came out to meet with them. He had not had his lunch. These were facts borne out of the autopsy. His intestine was clear. They exchanged banters, he told Susan Rice, who was part of the delegation, what she wore the first day he met her… their mission was to convince Abiola to denounce his mandate and go for another election. By then Abacha had gone, one of their problems had been solved. Abiola was left.
They had brought that suggestion before and Abiola rejected it. So, their mission was unnecessary because they were not going to get him to say yes. It must have been for another purpose. When they came in, the chief guard that usually stayed with Abiola was not there because they didn’t tell him some people would be visiting. Abiola came unaccompanied to that meeting. Of course, they had been told he was a tea drinker. They brought a special flask, which Hamza Al-Mustapha described as multi-dimensional. T
hey poured themselves tea and poured tea for Abiola. There was no precedence of a visitor bringing tea for the host. It is unconventional. It is not done anywhere in the world. Not only did they bring it, they offered someone in detention tea, with no guard around. And Ambassador Pickering said in his press conference that shortly after he had taken the tea, he complained of pain in the chest and grabbed his chest. And later, he felt uncomfortable and then, he went to the convenience to ease himself, but he did not come back as expected.
They called on him and he told them he was coming. By then, he had started feeling weak. They asked him if they should call the doctor but he said they should ask the guard to get his pain tablet. But he died before the pain tablet arrived. By the time the doctor came, Abiola had already died.”
Testimonies
Abiola’s personal security detail, Assistant Police Superintendent Theodore Bethnel Zadok, in his testimony before the Oputa Panel that sat in Abuja, described the events leading to Abiola’s death:
“Before we all left the base, Chief MKO Abiola was in sound and healthy condition. He did not complain to me of any illness. About 100 meters from the door stand of the Aguda House, the controller from the control room called me on the radio… and he gave the message from the office of the Chief of General Staff and that I should see the Chief of general Staff Admiral Mike Akhigbhe immediately….
…. I led Chief MKO Abiola inside the house and I took permission from the Chief Security Officer to General Abdulsalami Abubakar, Major A. S. Aliyu in whose custody I left Chief MKO Abiola.
…. I came back from seeing Admiral Mike Akhigbe at about 1350hrs…. I met with the Chief Security Officer, Major A. S. Aliyu who told me that Chief MKO Abiola was not feeling fine and after taking a cup of tea he coughed and feel down.
I quickly went inside and I saw Chief MKO Abiola lying on the floor facing down. I called him… for the first time he answered, and I lifted him up and turned him… and called him again for the second time he did not answer. “
Police officer Zadok continued:
“The questions to ask are: Who gave Chief M.K.O. Abiola tea in my absence? Who tasted the tea before giving it to him? And in whose presence was the tea tasted?
The questions are for the Chief Security Officer to General Abdulsalam Abubakar, Major Aliyu, to answer.”
Zadok was questioned before the panel:
Falana: Was it to your knowledge that a foreigner was allowed to give food or drink to a detainee in Nigeria?
Zadok: To the best of my knowledge no foreigner had ever done this. It was my duty to taste any food or drink before giving it to Abiola.
Falana: When Abiola was given tea to drink was that the first time you never tasted anything given to Abiola to take?
Zadok: Yes it was the first time.
Falana: You normally tasted food or drink before you gave it to Abiola to prevent any harm done to your subject?
Zadok: Yes.
Falana: So, you were tricked to go and see Admiral Akhigbe?
Zadok: Maybe.
Falana: When you left Abiola with Major A.S. Aliu, you were confident that you were leaving him in the care of a competent person.
Zadok: Yes.”
An intelligence chief’s damning testimony
On 19 July 2001, General Ibrahim Sabo, the Director of Military Intelligence in the regime of General Sanni Abacha, testifying before the Oputa Panel that sat in Abuja, gave evidence of a plot to kill Abacha as well as Abiola as a way of resolving the five-year political gridlock following the annulment of 1993 presidential election. He told the panel:
“General Ishaya Bamaiyi (then Chief of Army Staff) called me… and asked me where was Chief Abiola, I said I didn’t know, that Major Al-Mustapha ( a security chief) was the one keeping him. General Bamaiyi then told me don’t you think that now that General Abacha is dead, Chief Abiola should be similarly killed to balance the equation? I looked for Major Mustapha and told him what Bamaiyi has said. I later learnt that Bamaiyi had told Mustapha the same thing because Mustapha told me he had been looking for me for the same purpose.”
Who Killed Abiola?
In his opinion piece published in the Punch, Fani-Kayode asks rhetorically: “Who killed Abiola? Who killed Sani Abacha? What role, if any, did officials of the Abubakar administration play in the murder of both men?
What role did the CIA play and exactly what transpired in the room when Rice, Ambassador Thomas Pickering and two other faceless and nameless officials from the American Embassy met with Abiola on the very day that he was meant to have been ‘released.’?”
The Punch asked Falomo whether he thought the CIA was involved in the death of Abiola. He said: “Yes…Why did he (Thomas Pickering) come? We know him as Central Intelligence Agency man and he was not the serving ambassador in the country then.
Abubakar was the one who gave them the appointment…. remember in Abacha’s case, there was no post-mortem. How can a Head of State die so suddenly and he was hurriedly buried without a post-mortem?”
The physician confirmed that Abiola had not eaten when he drank the tea. He said autopsy showed that his intestine was clear.
Drawing example from the case of PLO leader Yasser Arafat, Falomo suggested it might still be possible to exhume Abiola’s corpse and conduct fresh toxicology tests for traces of poison that earlier tests failed to detect.
He said: “…Medical science has perfected all that now (i.e. new methods for detecting poisons). They just conducted the post-mortem of Yasser Arafat, the Palestinian man that died about five years ago.
When he died, nobody suspected, but now they believe he was poisoned and they are trying to find out what type of poison it was.”
Fani Kayode puts the question bluntly: “She (Rice) was one of the last people who saw Abiola alive. She was said to have served him some tea, after which he reportedly coughed violently and one hour later, dropped dead. What was in the tea?”
JohnThomas Didymus is a Digital Journalist based in Lagos
News
NITDA, CAC Activate Cybersecurity Measures Amid System Concerns

The National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) and the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) have initiated coordinated measures to strengthen cybersecurity following recent concerns affecting aspects of CAC’s digital systems.

Both agencies said they have activated response and assurance mechanisms in line with national cybersecurity frameworks to safeguard critical infrastructure and maintain service integrity.
NITDA reiterated that all Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) must adopt proactive cybersecurity measures in compliance with the National Cybersecurity Policy and Strategy (NCPS) 2021.
The agency directed all MDAs to immediately review and reinforce their cybersecurity architecture to address emerging threats targeting government systems and sensitive data.
As part of the directive, MDAs are required to conduct comprehensive security assessments, remediate identified vulnerabilities, and strengthen access controls across critical platforms.
They are also expected to enhance data protection mechanisms, maintain effective backup and disaster recovery systems, and improve monitoring capabilities to detect and respond to suspicious activities.
In addition, there is the need for functional incident response frameworks, including prompt reporting of cybersecurity breaches for coordinated intervention.
Detailed cybersecurity guidelines have already been issued to MDAs for implementation as part of ongoing efforts to strengthen resilience across public sector digital infrastructure.
The measures are aimed at improving the overall security posture of government institutions and ensuring the continued protection of national digital assets.
NITDA reaffirmed its commitment to supporting government agencies in safeguarding digital systems and advancing cybersecurity best practices across the public sector.
News
A Generation Under Siege as Nigeria’s Drug Crisis Deepens

By Blaise Udunze
This piece speaks directly to the current consciousness of many Nigerians as some crises erupt with noise, explosions of violence, economic shocks, political upheavals and then some unfold quietly, steadily, almost invisibly, until their consequences become impossible to ignore. Nigeria today is living through the latter. Today, this hardly or rarely dominates the front pages of newspapers with the same sustained urgency. Still, the truth is that it depends on whether it is reshaping communities, distorting futures, and hollowing out the very foundation of the nation’s promise.

With the rate at which drug abuse has festered among young Nigerians, it is no longer a social concern. It is a national emergency, silent, systemic, and dangerously underestimated.
The big picture of a bright future led by the youth of today and leaders of tomorrow is gradually fading away, thanks to the menace of drugs. Unfortunately, it is a national problem linked to all other criminal activities, but the system does not consider it critical. A generation of people is gradually being wiped out. The implications of these are too dire even to contemplate.
It is now alarming, as the numbers alone are staggering. Looking closely at the report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime reveals that 14.4 percent of Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64, roughly 14.3 million people, use psychoactive substances, nearly three times the global average. Even more troubling, which calls for public concern, is that one in five of these users suffers from drug-related disorders requiring urgent treatment. The implication is clear since this is not casual use; it is a deepening public health crisis.
To many Nigerians, these statistics, as revealed, appear alarming, but the underlying fact is that they are only a scratch on the surface of a much darker reality, which the eyes cannot see.
Across Lagos, Kano, Onitsha, and countless towns in between, drug abuse is no longer hidden. It is visible in motor parks where tramadol is sold as casually as bottled water, in university hostels where “home mixes” circulate as social currency, and in street corners where teenagers inhale toxic concoctions in search of escape. Substances that were once tightly regulated, codeine, opioids, and benzodiazepines, are now frighteningly accessible. Others, far more dangerous, are improvised through mixtures of gutter water, chemicals, and pharmaceuticals designed not for healing, but for oblivion.
What is emerging is not just a culture of drug use, but an ecosystem of addiction.
Let us consider the disturbing normalisation of concoctions like “Omi Gutter” (gutter water) or “Jiko”, lethal blends of tramadol, codeine, cannabis, and other substances, just to mention a few. The fear in all of this is that these are not isolated experiments; they are part of a growing subculture among young people seeking relief from pressures they can neither articulate nor escape. Let us see the irony from the point that the deaths incurred from overdoses, seizures, and organ failure are increasingly reported, yet rarely provoke sustained national outrage.
This silence is part of the problem and what society has failed to recognize is that they are yet to understand the scale of the crisis; one must go beyond the streets and into the systems that have failed to contain it.
What must be known today is that Nigeria’s drug epidemic is deeply intertwined with a mental health crisis that remains largely unaddressed, which appears difficult to deal with because the system’s attention is divided by other trivialities. According to the World Health Organization, one in four Nigerians, an estimated 50 million people, suffer from some form of mental illness. This is such a fearful trend, whilst among adolescents, the situation is even more fragile. Today to the trend in Nigeria, globally, is also on record that 14 percent of young people experience mental health challenges, with suicide ranking among the leading causes of death for those aged 15 to 29.
In Nigeria, however, these issues are compounded by stigma, neglect, and systemic absence.
A study conducted in a Borstal Institution in North-Central Nigeria found that 82.5 per cent of adolescent boys had psychiatric disorders. The breakdown actually revealed that disruptive behaviour disorders accounted for 40.8 per cent, substance use disorders 15.8 per cent, anxiety disorders 14.2 per cent, psychosis 6.7 per cent, and mood disorders five per cent. These are not marginal figures; they point to a generation grappling with profound psychological distress.
Many of these boys, according to the timely warning from Professor Olurotimi Coker of the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital, which he revealed, is that they suffer in silence. This, he discloses, is constrained by societal expectations that equate vulnerability with weakness. In a culture where young men are expected to “be strong,” emotional struggles are buried, not addressed. Drugs, in this context, become both refuge and rebellion, a way to cope, to escape, and sometimes, to belong.
The tragedy is that what begins as coping often ends in captivity. The clear fact, which the system must not ignore is that the crisis does not exist in isolation, yes! because it feeds into and is fed by Nigeria’s broader challenges of insecurity and alongside economic instability. Research by scholars from Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University highlights a dangerous nexus between substance abuse and national security. Drug trafficking networks do not merely distribute substances; they sustain criminal economies, fund violent groups, and perpetuate cycles of instability.
A review of some of the developments will drive us to the activities in the Lake Chad Basin, for instance, an open secret is that insurgent groups such as Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province have been linked to drug trafficking operations. According to regional security analyses, these groups rely on narcotics, from tramadol to cocaine, to finance operations, recruit fighters, and embolden combatants. The use of drugs to suppress fear and heighten aggression among fighters underscores a chilling reality, which obviously shows that Nigeria’s drug crisis is not just a health issue; it is a security threat. To confirm this, only recently, during an interview with Arise TV, General Christopher Musa, the Minister of Defence, concurred that when many of these terrorists are arrested, they are often found to be under the influence of drugs.” He stated that they use different substances, including injectables, which affect their thinking and reduce their fear or sense of pain. In General Musa’s words: “You are dealing with somebody whose mind is made up that if he dies, he doesn’t care. Most times when we arrest them, they are on drugs, so they don’t care, they don’t even feel it, they have Injectables, you get them with all those drugs. So that is how they operate.”
This convergence of addiction and violence creates a vicious cycle. History has shown that drugs fuel crime; crime sustains drug networks and for this reason, young people, caught in the middle, are both victims and instruments, recruited as couriers, enforcers, and, in some cases, political thugs. One recent example that occurred earlier this month is that of a teenager aged 15 named Tijjani. He was arrested by the Nigerian Army in connection with the Boko Haram deadly attack on military positions in Borno that claimed the life of Brigadier-General Oseni Braimah and other soldiers.
In the political space, history offers a warning because this brings to mind the scenario that played out during the 2011 post-election violence in Nigeria, which claimed over 800 lives in just three days, with the same pattern occurring in the 2023 elections. What Nigerians must know is that these trends expose how easily unemployed, disillusioned youths can be mobilized for violence. In most cases, this happens under the influence of substances and of concern is that similar patterns are re-emerging currently, raising urgent questions about the future of Nigeria’s democracy.
At the same time, economic realities continue to deepen vulnerability. Youth unemployment and underemployment remain persistently high despite the official rate currently at 5 percent, which appears to be low under the newer methodology, while the alternative estimate was around 22 percent in 2025, leaving millions in limbo today. The fact is that, regrettably, for many, the promise of education has not translated into opportunity. As a matter of fact, in many homes, degrees hang on walls, but jobs remain elusive. And that is why, in this vacuum, drugs offer something the system does not in the case of temporary relief from frustration, anxiety, and stagnation.
Even more alarming is how early exposure begins.
A quick look at some reports in Nigeria reveals that hardly any month passed in 2021 without any significant cases of vast amounts of drugs seized at the import gateways in Nigeria or a Nigerian caught abroad with a large consignment of drugs being smuggled into another country. These seizures have shed light on how the work of trafficking networks is facilitated by a range of actors, including alleged businesspeople, politicians, celebrities, and students. Nigeria’s porous borders, weak institutions, corrupt practices, political patronage, poverty, and ethnic identities enable traffickers to avoid detection by the formal security apparatus. There are even times when the conventional security apparatus itself provides cover for traffickers, giving rise to legitimate concerns about the ability of criminal networks and illicit drug monies to infiltrate security and government agencies, transform or influence the motivations of its members, reorient objectives towards the spoils of drug trafficking activity, thus undermining the democratic processes. Still on the supply side is the new availability of cheap opioids in the open market under different brands names.
In Lagos State alone, a 2024 study by the combined team of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) and the Federal Ministry of Education found an alarming fact that 13.6 per cent of secondary school students had experimented with drugs, while 6.9 per cent were active users. Unbeknownst to most Nigerians is the fact that these figures represent not just experimentation, but a pipeline into long-term dependency.
This is also confirmed by the Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Buba Marwa, who said substance abuse had moved beyond the streets and was now a growing problem within lecture halls and campuses when he spoke on “High Today, Lost Tomorrow: The Real Cost of Drug Abuse on Campus.” Marwa, who further raised concerns over the increasing use of social media platforms for drug distribution, as well as the involvement of students in trafficking, stated that the drug scene had evolved from the use of traditional substances, like cannabis, to more dangerous synthetic opioids and designer drugs, such as Colorado, Loud, and Methamphetamine.
It is more fearful to know that beyond the university students, children as young as 12 are being introduced to substances not through sophisticated cartels, but through peers, neighbourhood influences, and easy market access. Drugs that require prescriptions are sold openly in markets and motor parks, often cheaper than a soft drink. A sachet of tramadol can cost as little as N100.
One surprising revelation is that some of the more dangerous substances, such as petrol fumes, glue, sewage mixtures, are used freely because they are costless. It is now understood that this is not merely a matter of accessibility, but a systemic failure.
Law enforcement efforts, while significant, remain insufficient relative to the scale of the problem as large-scale numbers of drugs have found their way into society. They can still claim to have succeeded as the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency said to have recorded notable successes, though, with over 57,000 arrests, more than 10,000 convictions, and nearly 10 million kilograms of seized drugs in recent years. Even with these records, it is glaring that society has continued to witness thousands of addicts being rehabilitated, and millions of students have been reached through advocacy campaigns.
Yet, as described earlier, these achievements, though commendable, are dwarfed by the magnitude of the crisis, which gives no room for law enforcement to make any holistic claims of sanitizing the system. Seeing the sheer volume of drug inflows, from heroin in Asia, cocaine from South America, cannabis from North Africa, and synthetic drugs from Europe, suggests a system under siege. Enforcement alone cannot outpace demand.
And demand, in Nigeria today, is expanding. Nowhere is the human cost more visible than among the homeless youth population. Along the Oshodi rail corridor in Lagos, thousands of young people live in precarious and questionable conditions, sleeping under bridges and railway platforms, exposed daily to drugs, violence, and exploitation, as they carelessly lose their lives, and some have spent years, even decades, in these environments. Sincerely, there must be this understanding that for many, addiction is both a cause and a consequence of their circumstances.
Some struggling segments of people in society can be linked to broader socio-economic and systemic failures that are associated with widening inequality, lack of social housing, inadequate education, and the absence of structured rehabilitation programs. Another aspect of this that can’t be left out and should be addressed expediently is that these vulnerable youths are reportedly recruited into political violence, reinforcing a dangerous cycle of neglect and exploitation, and it must be established that it has become a norm in society.
This is where the conversation must shift, from individual responsibility to systemic accountability.
Drug abuse in Nigeria is not simply about bad choices, as most people perceive it; it is about limited choices if properly looked into. Just as well said, the trend shows that it is about a young man who takes tramadol to endure the physical strain of daily labour, and continues using it long after the pain is gone because addiction has taken hold. Sometimes, it can also be about a teenager who experiments out of curiosity and eventually finds herself trapped in dependency. It is about a boy who cannot and is unable to express or confront his emotional pain, so he copes by suppressing or numbing it instead, while also looking at a society that has normalized survival at the expense of well-being.
The policy response, however, has yet to match the urgency of the crisis and with this challenge, it will be said that Nigeria lacks a fully integrated national strategy that connects drug prevention, mental health care, education reform, and economic inclusion.
The consequence is a reactive system in a crisis that demands prevention. What would a meaningful response look like?
First, it would reframe drug abuse as a public health emergency. This means prioritizing treatment, rehabilitation, and prevention alongside enforcement. Addiction must be treated as a medical condition, not merely a criminal offense.
Second, it would integrate mental health into primary healthcare. Access to counseling, therapy, and early intervention must be expanded, particularly for young people. Schools, communities, and digital platforms should become entry points for support, not just discipline.
Third, it would invest in education reform that goes beyond academics. When this is done, life skills, emotional intelligence, and drug awareness must be embedded in curricula. Students need tools to navigate pressure, not just pass exams.
Fourth, it would address economic exclusion. Job creation, vocational training, and entrepreneurship support must be scaled to match the size of Nigeria’s youth population. Opportunity is one of the most powerful antidotes to despair.
Fifth, it would strengthen community-based interventions. Families, religious institutions, and local leaders must be empowered to recognize early warning signs and provide support. Addiction is rarely an individual battle; it is a collective one.
Finally, it would demand accountability. Data must guide policy, and outcomes must be measured. Good intentions are no substitute for measurable impact.
Nigeria stands at a defining moment and must be aware that its youth population remains its greatest asset but also its greatest risk. The fear today that should be in the heart of many and must suffice as a warning is that a generation lost to addiction is not just a social tragedy; it is a national failure.
The warning signs are already here in the statistics, in the streets, in the stories that rarely make headlines. The question is whether the country is willing to listen. Because silence, in this case, is not neutrality. It is complicity.
And if this silent emergency continues unchecked, Nigeria may soon discover that what it is losing is not just its youth but its future.
News
Nigeria Customs Deploys AI to Cover Revenue Leaks

The Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) has rolled out an artificial intelligence (AI) driven capacity-building programme to improve revenue generation and reconciliation across its operations.

The initiative, unveiled during a three-day training event in Abuja, aims to transition the agency toward data-driven administration as Nigeria seeks to boost non-oil revenue.
The adoption of AI will enable the service to better manage complex trade systems, detect anomalies and reduce revenue leakages, says Bashir Adewale Adeniyi, comptroller-general of the NCS.
AI-powered tools are already being integrated into risk management and cargo scanning systems to allow for real-time analysis of trade patterns.
The technology marks a transition from manual, reactive processes to predictive and automated decision-making, Adeniyi adds.
The programme also reflects a shift in the relationship between the NCS and the National Assembly toward a collaborative framework focused on transparency and efficiency.
The training is a strategic intervention to address persistent gaps in revenue management, says Kikelomo Adeola, deputy comptroller-general of the NCS.
AI applications, ranging from automated data analysis to predictive intelligence, will significantly enhance the integrity of public financial systems, she says.
The initiative aligns with broader efforts to modernise governance and improve compliance across revenue-generating agencies, says Bamidele Salam, chairman of the House Public Accounts Committee.
Lawmakers and fiscal authorities at the event underscored the urgency of adopting advanced technologies amid rising budgetary pressures.
This move comes as the federal government increases scrutiny over revenue leakages and audit discrepancies.
The partnership between the NCS and the legislature is critical to strengthening fiscal discipline and ensuring all revenue due to the federation is accurately captured, Adeniyi concludes.
News2 days agoLagos Targets Vulnerable Residents in Expanded Social Register
E-Business2 days agoCAC Urges Users to Secure Accounts after Cyberattack Scare
E-Financial2 days agoIMF Downgrades Nigeria’s GDP Outlook, Warns of Rising Risks
Telecom1 day agoMTN Suspends Data, Airtime Borrowing Service over New FCCPC Lending Rules
E-Financial2 days agoNDIC Seeks Court Nods to Liquidate 89 Failed Banks
E-Financial2 days agoCBN Proposes 30-Member Mediation Panel for Loan Disputes
News2 days agoStudy Shows 38% of Northern Women Lack Access to Financial Services
E-Financial2 days agoSEC Sets N7.5Bn Capital Floor to Shield Investors in FTZE Public Offerings
















